{"id":34213,"date":"2026-03-01T13:40:31","date_gmt":"2026-03-01T13:40:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/?p=34213"},"modified":"2026-03-02T10:58:48","modified_gmt":"2026-03-02T10:58:48","slug":"althjodaoryggismal-umraeda-um-hugmyndir-og-kenningar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/volume-21-no-1-2026\/new-article-double-blind-peer-review-volume-21-no-1-2026\/althjodaoryggismal-umraeda-um-hugmyndir-og-kenningar\/","title":{"rendered":"Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1l: umr\u00e6\u00f0a um hugmyndir og kenningar"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\t
\n\n\t\t<\/i><\/span> <\/a>\n\n\t<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\n

Greinin er framlag til ranns\u00f3kna \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum. Dregin er upp mynd af al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi (e. international security) \u00ed lj\u00f3si hugmynda um hlutverk r\u00edkisins, mannlegt e\u00f0li, str\u00ed\u00f0 og s\u00f6gulegar minningar. \u00d6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0um (e. international security studies) og tveimur kenningum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, n\u00fdraunhyggju (e. neo-realism) og m\u00f3tunarhyggju (e. constructivism) er beitt til \u00feess a\u00f0 greina vi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0. A\u00f0 auki er frj\u00e1lslyndisstefna (e. liberalism) h\u00f6f\u00f0 til hli\u00f0sj\u00f3nar og borin saman vi\u00f0 raunhyggju. \u00dev\u00ed er haldi\u00f0 fram a\u00f0 n\u00fdraunhyggja og m\u00f3tunarhyggja, \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i og s\u00f6gulegar minningar l\u00fdsi best samskiptum r\u00edkja, \u00e1kv\u00f6r\u00f0unum einstaklinga, al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi.<\/p>\n

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Uppbygging, n\u00fdm\u00e6li og tilg\u00e1ta<\/strong><\/p>\n

Greinin er uppbygg\u00f0 \u00e1 eftirfarandi h\u00e1tt auk inngangs og lokaor\u00f0a: \u00cd fyrsta hluta er fjalla\u00f0 um fr\u00e6\u00f0ilega n\u00e1lgun h\u00f6fundar me\u00f0 \u00e1herslu \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju, m\u00f3tunarhyggju og hvernig kenningarnar tengjast s\u00f6gulegum minningum. \u00cd \u00f6\u00f0rum hluta verksins er ger\u00f0 grein fyrir raunhyggju, hugmyndum hennar um vi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0. \u00c1herslan er fyrst og fremst \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju og sj\u00f3narmi\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0ingsins Kenneths N. Waltz, \u00e1herslur kenningarinnar \u00e1 \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja, umfj\u00f6llun um str\u00ed\u00f0 og orsakir \u00feeirra. \u00de\u00e1 er m\u00f3tunarhyggja borin saman vi\u00f0 n\u00fdraunhyggju me\u00f0 \u00e1herslu \u00e1 hugmyndir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0ingsins Alexanders Wendts og gagnr\u00fdni hans \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju og valdajafnv\u00e6gi (e. balance of power). L\u00f6g\u00f0 er \u00e1hersla \u00e1 hvernig nota m\u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju og m\u00f3tunarhyggju til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00e1tta sig \u00e1 ors\u00f6kum str\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1taka, fyrst og fremst str\u00ed\u00f0sins \u00ed \u00dakra\u00ednu fr\u00e1 2022. \u00cd s\u00ed\u00f0asta hluta verksins er fjalla\u00f0 um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi, \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingu (e. securitization) og \u00fer\u00f3un \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a \u00e1 20. og 21. \u00f6ld. S\u00fdnt er fram \u00e1 hvernig or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a um \u00f6ryggi tengist kenningunum og m\u00f3tar hugmyndir okkar um \u00e1t\u00f6k og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi.<\/p>\n

H\u00e9r eru s\u00f6guleg minning, m\u00f3tunarhyggja og n\u00fdraunhyggja nota\u00f0ar samhli\u00f0a til ranns\u00f3kna \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum. Er \u00fea\u00f0 n\u00fdm\u00e6li og hefur ekki veri\u00f0 gert me\u00f0 \u00feessum h\u00e6tti \u00e1\u00f0ur. \u00a0A\u00f0 auki hefur grein \u00e1 \u00edslensku um efni\u00f0 \u00f3tv\u00edr\u00e6tt gildi enda l\u00edti\u00f0 um fr\u00e6\u00f0irit e\u00f0a greinar um vi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0 \u00e1 tungum\u00e1linu. Tilg\u00e1ta \u00feessa verks er a\u00f0 mikilv\u00e6gasta vi\u00f0fangsefni al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta s\u00e9 \u00f6ryggi. Svo hafi veri\u00f0 \u00ed margar aldir og herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi hefur leiki\u00f0 st\u00e6rsta hlutverki\u00f0. En jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3tt r\u00edki reyni a\u00f0 tryggja hagsmuni s\u00edna og str\u00ed\u00f0 s\u00e9u l\u00edkleg vegna hagsmuna r\u00edkja og uppbyggingar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins \u00fe\u00e1 skipta einstaklingar, sj\u00e1lfsmynd, gildi og hugmyndir \u00feeirra um \u00f6ryggi ekki s\u00ed\u00f0ur m\u00e1li. \u00dev\u00ed er samspil \u00e1 milli \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a, n\u00fdraunhyggju, m\u00f3tunarhyggju og s\u00f6gulegra minninga sem \u00fatsk\u00fdrir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 eins og \u00fea\u00f0 hefur veri\u00f0 og vi\u00f0 \u00feekkjum \u00ed dag.<\/p>\n

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Fr\u00e6\u00f0ileg n\u00e1lgun <\/strong><\/p>\n

Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0ingar halda \u00fev\u00ed gjarnan fram a\u00f0 \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0r\u00edki (e. nation state) s\u00e9u helsti gerandinn (e. actor) \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu. \u00dea\u00f0 s\u00e9 uppbyggt me\u00f0 hagsmuni r\u00edkja \u00ed huga og \u00fear leiki lei\u00f0togar \u00feeirra st\u00f3rt hlutverk. \u00deetta sj\u00f3narhorn m\u00e1 a\u00f0 minnsta kosti lesa \u00ed klass\u00edskum kenningum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta eins og raunhyggju. N\u00fdraunhyggja (e. neo-realism e\u00f0a structural realism; formger\u00f0arraunhyggja, h\u00e9r eftir n\u00fdraunhyggja) leggur ekki s\u00ed\u00f0ur \u00e1herslu \u00e1 hlutverk r\u00edkisins og a\u00f0 orsakir str\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1taka megi finna \u00ed mannger\u00f0 og metna\u00f0i lei\u00f0toga r\u00edkja. Hins vegar skiptir formger\u00f0 r\u00edkja l\u00edka m\u00e1li \u00feegar lagt er af sta\u00f0 \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0. \u00de\u00e1 bendir m\u00f3tunarhyggja (e. constructivism) \u00a0\u00e1 a\u00f0 f\u00e9lagslegur veruleiki; menning, hef\u00f0ir og gildi m\u00f3ti al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 og hagsmunamat r\u00edkja. Hlutverk einstaklinga er mikilv\u00e6gt \u00fear sem \u00feekking \u00feeirra grundvallast \u00e1 \u00fev\u00ed sem \u00feeir l\u00e6ra. A\u00f0rar kenningar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, t.d. hinn klass\u00edski sk\u00f3li frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar (e. liberalism), leggja fremur \u00e1herslu \u00e1 frelsi einstaklingsins og takm\u00f6rku\u00f0 afskipti r\u00edkisvalds. \u00de\u00e1 skrifa h\u00f6fundar n\u00fdfrj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar (e. neo-liberalism) um mikilv\u00e6gi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnana sem lei\u00f0 r\u00edkja a\u00f0 fri\u00f0i, hags\u00e6ld og samvinnu. H\u00e9r er fjalla\u00f0 um frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnu \u00fat fr\u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum, ekki vi\u00f0skiptum \u00fear sem hugtaki\u00f0 hefur a\u00f0ra merkingu.<\/p>\n

Eins og fyrr segir byggir h\u00f6fundur fr\u00e6\u00f0ilega n\u00e1lgun s\u00edna \u00e1 hugmyndum n\u00fdraunhyggju og m\u00f3tunarhyggju en skilgreinir sig fyrst og fremst sem s\u00e9rfr\u00e6\u00f0ing \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum (e. international security). \u00c1st\u00e6\u00f0an er \u00ed megindr\u00e1ttum eftirfarandi: R\u00edki reyna \u00e1vallt a\u00f0 h\u00e1marka \u00f6ryggi sitt. Hins vegar er h\u00f6fundur jafn sannf\u00e6r\u00f0ur um a\u00f0 skilja megi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0samskipti og -\u00f6ryggi og \u00f3fri\u00f0 \u00fat fr\u00e1 \u00f3l\u00edkum vi\u00f0mi\u00f0um r\u00edkja og \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a, hef\u00f0um \u00feeirra, or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u, m\u00fdtum, formger\u00f0 r\u00edkja, mannger\u00f0 stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lalei\u00f0toga, hagsmunum r\u00edkja, skipulagi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins, mannlegu e\u00f0li, herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi, \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingu, reynslu einstaklinga, metna\u00f0i \u00feeirra og s\u00ed\u00f0ast en ekki s\u00edst s\u00f6gulegri minningu. \u00c1 \u00feetta bendir Jens Bartelson \u00ed b\u00f3k sinni, War in International Thought<\/em>, \u00feegar hann leggur \u00e1herslu \u00e1 s\u00f6gu hugmyndarinnar um s\u00f6gulega merkingu str\u00ed\u00f0s fr\u00e1 sautj\u00e1ndu \u00f6ld til dagsins \u00ed dag \u2013 \u00fea\u00f0 er a\u00f0 segja hugmyndin um a\u00f0 str\u00ed\u00f0 geti veri\u00f0 afl sem skapar reglu og \u00f6ryggi. Bartelson endursko\u00f0ar fr\u00e6ga en umdeilda or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1la- og f\u00e9lagsfr\u00e6\u00f0ingsins Charles Tilly um a\u00f0 \u201estr\u00ed\u00f0 b\u00fai til r\u00edki\u00f0 og r\u00edki\u00f0 skapi str\u00ed\u00f0\u201c, me\u00f0 \u00feeim r\u00f6kum a\u00f0 \u00feessi fullyr\u00f0ing s\u00e9 ekki endilega s\u00f6gulega r\u00e9tt heldur \u00fatbreidd sko\u00f0un, jafnvel mantra um gildi str\u00ed\u00f0s.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

S\u00f6guleg minning er mikilv\u00e6g \u00ed \u00feessu lj\u00f3si vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 me\u00f0al einstaklinga og \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a m\u00e1 finna sameiginlegar s\u00f6gulegar minningar. \u00cd \u00feeim felst b\u00e6\u00f0i sama upplifun og samkennd \u00fear sem sameinast er um t\u00falkun minninga. Oft er tilgangurinn a\u00f0 b\u00faa til sameiginlega s\u00f6gu og minningu, setja atbur\u00f0i \u00ed \u00fe\u00fd\u00f0ingarmiki\u00f0 lj\u00f3s e\u00f0a gefa \u00feeim \u00e1kve\u00f0in einkenni og tilgang. Kenningar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1la gera einmitt \u00feetta, \u00fe.e. draga fram einkenni og tilgang al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins, samskipti, deilur og \u00e1t\u00f6k r\u00edkja. Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 er \u00fev\u00ed byggt upp \u00e1 \u00e1kve\u00f0inn h\u00e1tt og einkennist af hugmyndum einstaklinga um \u00f6ryggi, sj\u00e1lfsmynd r\u00edkja og einstaklinga, samkeppni r\u00edkja, str\u00ed\u00f0, fri\u00f0, \u00e1t\u00f6k e\u00f0a samvinnu r\u00edkja.<\/p>\n

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Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti, \u00f6ryggi og str\u00ed\u00f0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Allt fr\u00e1 Vestfal\u00edusamningnum 1648 hefur mikilv\u00e6gasta umfj\u00f6llunarefni al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a veri\u00f0 hvort og hvernig s\u00e9 h\u00e6gt a\u00f0 tryggja \u00f6ryggi \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0r\u00edkisins, enda hafa stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1laheimspekingar og kenningasmi\u00f0ir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta lengi velt fyrir s\u00e9r hva\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi s\u00e9 og hvort h\u00e6gt s\u00e9 a\u00f0 r\u00e9ttl\u00e6ta str\u00ed\u00f0, hverjar s\u00e9u orsakir \u00feeirra og hvernig megi koma \u00ed veg fyrir \u00feau. Til d\u00e6mis hvort r\u00e9ttl\u00e6tingin e\u00f0a orsakirnar liggja \u00ed mannlegu e\u00f0li (e. state of nature), \u00ed innra skipulagi r\u00edkja, v\u00f6ldum, \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legu stj\u00f3rnleysi (e. anarchy), \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja e\u00f0a einstaklinga, al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamstarfi e\u00f0a \u00ed gildum, hef\u00f0um og menningu r\u00edkja.<\/p>\n

Rekja m\u00e1 or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a og umfj\u00f6llunar um str\u00ed\u00f0, s\u00e9rstaklega raunhyggju, til enska stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1laheimspekingsins Thomasar Hobbes. Einkum \u00feegar rannsaka \u00e1 hvort samband s\u00e9 \u00e1 milli mannlegs e\u00f0lis og str\u00ed\u00f0s. En Hobbes lag\u00f0i, \u00ed verki s\u00ednu Leviathan <\/em>(1651),<\/em> \u00e1herslu \u00e1 mannlegt e\u00f0li, n\u00e1tt\u00farlegt \u00e1stand mannsins (e. state of nature), og a\u00f0 \u201e\u00f3beislu\u00f0 n\u00e1tt\u00faru\u00f6fl mannsins\u201c lei\u00f0i til \u00e6varandi \u201estr\u00ed\u00f0s allra gegn \u00f6llum\u201c[2]<\/a>. Mikilv\u00e6gast er \u00fev\u00ed \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkisins. Hobbes lag\u00f0i \u00fev\u00ed \u00e1herslu \u00e1 vald og mikilv\u00e6gi valdhafa. Samkv\u00e6mt kenningu Hobbes eru menn frj\u00e1lsir \u00ed n\u00e1tt\u00farlegu \u00e1standi mannsins en \u00feeir eru l\u00edka \u00ed st\u00f6\u00f0ugri h\u00e6ttu ef engin l\u00f6g e\u00f0a mi\u00f0l\u00e6gt vald hefur \u00e1hrif \u00e1 heg\u00f0un \u00feeirra vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00feeir (menn) hafa eigin hagsmuni a\u00f0 lei\u00f0arlj\u00f3si. Algj\u00f6ru frelsi fylgir \u00fev\u00ed st\u00f6\u00f0ug samkeppni um au\u00f0lindir og \u00f6ryggi. \u00dea\u00f0 skapi \u00f3st\u00f6\u00f0ugar a\u00f0st\u00e6\u00f0ur \u00fear sem h\u00e6tta og \u00e1t\u00f6k eru allsr\u00e1\u00f0andi \u2013 \u00e1stand sem Hobbes l\u00fdsir sem \u201estr\u00ed\u00f0i allra gegn \u00f6llum\u201c. Til a\u00f0 for\u00f0ast \u00feennan glundro\u00f0a undirstrikar Hobbes hugmyndina um \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0f\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la (e\u00f0a samf\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la) \u00fear sem menn afsala sj\u00e1lfviljugir hluta af frelsi s\u00ednu til valdhafa. \u00cd sta\u00f0inn tryggir hann \u00feeim \u00f6ryggi og reglu, sem er \u00e6skilegra en \u00f3vissa og ofbeldi. Er \u00fea\u00f0 eina lei\u00f0in til a\u00f0 tryggja fri\u00f0 a\u00f0 mati Hobbes, til \u00feess a\u00f0 koma \u00ed veg fyrir afturhvarf til \u201en\u00e1tt\u00faru \u00e1standsins\u201c (e. state of nature) og vi\u00f0varandi \u00e1taka.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

Hafa ver\u00f0ur \u00ed huga a\u00f0 s\u00f6gulega er Hobbes kennismi\u00f0ur um konunglegt einveldi. En jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3tt hugmyndir Hobbes um samf\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la eigi ekki vi\u00f0 \u00ed dag s\u00e6kir raunhyggja m.a. hugmyndir s\u00ednar til hans \u00fear sem Hobbes var upptekinn af spurningunni um hvernig \u00e6tti a\u00f0 tryggja fri\u00f0 og hvernig h\u00e6gt v\u00e6ri a\u00f0 g\u00e6ta jafnv\u00e6gis milli \u00f6ryggis og frelsis og hvert hlutverk og vald r\u00edkisins v\u00e6ri. \u00cd \u00fev\u00ed felst \u00ed fyrsta lagi a\u00f0 samf\u00e9l\u00f6g hafi reglur, b\u00fai vi\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi og a\u00f0 traust r\u00edki milli manna. \u00cd \u00f6\u00f0ru lagi a\u00f0 borgaraleg r\u00e9ttindi s\u00e9u forsenda g\u00f3\u00f0ra stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1la. \u00cd \u00feri\u00f0ja lagi mikilv\u00e6gi r\u00edkisins \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum og a\u00f0 heimsp\u00f3lit\u00edk s\u00e9 vi\u00f0varandi samkeppni milli r\u00edkja. Kerfi\u00f0 s\u00e9 uppbyggt af r\u00edkjum sem eru skynsamir gerendur (e. rational actors) \u00ed stj\u00f3rnlausu (e. anarchy)\u00a0al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legu kerfi. Og \u00fear sem engin alheimsstj\u00f3rn er til reyna r\u00edki a\u00f0 finna s\u00e9r st\u00f6\u00f0u \u00ed kerfi sem er m\u00f3ta\u00f0 af valdap\u00f3lit\u00edk, \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0arhagsmunum, sj\u00e1lfsbjargarvi\u00f0leitni og leit a\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00deessi \u00e1hersla skilgreinir r\u00edki\u00f0 sem a\u00f0algeranda al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins og haf\u00f0i mikil \u00e1hrif \u00e1 raunhyggju. Til d\u00e6mis rannsakar helsti hugmyndasmi\u00f0ur n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar, Kenneth Waltz, al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 \u00fat fr\u00e1 mannlegu e\u00f0li, vi\u00f0urkenningu, eiginhagsmunum, stj\u00f3rnleysi og \u00f6ryggi. Hins vegar eru \u00e1herslur Waltz um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 og stj\u00f3rnleysi \u00feess frekar \u00ed anda Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a\u00f0 \u00e1t\u00f6k s\u00e9u aflei\u00f0ing al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins en ekki bara vegna mannlegs e\u00f0lis eins og Hobbes lag\u00f0i \u00e1herslu \u00e1. Waltz tekur undir me\u00f0 forvera s\u00ednum Rousseau sem h\u00e9lt \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 innan r\u00edkja ver\u00f0i til \u201ealmannavilji\u201c, a\u00f0 einstaklingar geri samf\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la og afhendi einstaklingsr\u00e9ttindi s\u00edn til samf\u00e9lagsins sem tryggir sameiginlega umgj\u00f6r\u00f0 stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1la og laga, \u00fear sem einstaklingar eru frj\u00e1lsir en skortir \u00f6ryggi. R\u00f6k Waltz eru a\u00f0 \u00e1n alheimsstj\u00f3rnar (sem er ekki m\u00f6guleg vegna samkeppni r\u00edkja) r\u00edki stj\u00f3rnleysi, \u00fev\u00ed er \u00f6ryggi forgangsatri\u00f0i r\u00edkja. Innan \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a og n\u00fdraunhyggju er \u00feessi \u00e1hersla gjarnan skilgreind sem \u00f6ryggisvandi (e. security dilemma) og l\u00fdsir \u00e1standi \u00fear sem r\u00edki treysta ekki \u00e1setningi annarra r\u00edkja og reyna \u00fear af lei\u00f0andi alltaf a\u00f0 h\u00e1marka eigi\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi, sem hugsanlega getur leitt til vopnakapphlaups og \u00e1taka vi\u00f0 \u00f6nnur r\u00edki.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

S\u00e9 liti\u00f0 til frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar segir kenningin a\u00f0 \u00e1t\u00f6k eigi s\u00e9r dj\u00fapar r\u00e6tur \u00ed fari mannsins, jafnvel s\u00e9 liti\u00f0 \u00e1 str\u00ed\u00f0 sem eitthva\u00f0 g\u00f6fugt, samofi\u00f0 mannlegu e\u00f0li, innbl\u00e1si\u00f0 af hei\u00f0ri hans og \u00fearfnist ekki s\u00e9rstakra innri hvata. \u00deessa sko\u00f0un m\u00e1 rekja til Immanuels Kants, en hann tr\u00fa\u00f0i hins vegar a\u00f0 \u00e1t\u00f6k milli r\u00edkja fengju mannkyni\u00f0 til a\u00f0 leita fri\u00f0ar og samvinnu. Ma\u00f0urinn v\u00e6ri skynsamur og \u00e1tta\u00f0i sig \u00e1 a\u00f0 r\u00edki ver\u00f0a a\u00f0 vinna saman.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

Skrif Kants h\u00f6f\u00f0u mikil \u00e1hrif \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti, stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1laheimspeki og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi. Einna merkust er hugmynd hans um stj\u00f3rnarskr\u00e1, stj\u00f3rnarskr\u00e1 l\u00fd\u00f0veldis (e. republican constitution). H\u00fan veiti f\u00f3lki vald til a\u00f0 \u00e1kve\u00f0a hvort \u00fea\u00f0 eigi a\u00f0 fara \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0 e\u00f0a ekki, og \u00fear sem f\u00f3lk \u00fearf a\u00f0 lifa me\u00f0 aflei\u00f0ingum \u00e1taka er \u00f3l\u00edklegt a\u00f0 \u00fea\u00f0 velji str\u00ed\u00f0. \u00de\u00e1 felur hugmynd Kants \u00ed s\u00e9r einhverskonar samband frj\u00e1lsra \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a e\u00f0a bandalag \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a, \u00fear sem fullvalda r\u00edki byggja samvinnu s\u00edna \u00e1 skynsemi og eru samm\u00e1la um a\u00f0 fylgja al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0al\u00f6gum svo koma megi \u00ed veg fyrir \u00e1t\u00f6k.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

Me\u00f0 skrifum s\u00ednum lag\u00f0i Kant sitt af m\u00f6rkum til gagnr\u00fdninnar \u00e1 raunhyggju og til frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar, en kenningin leggur \u00e1herslu \u00e1 a\u00f0 manneskjan s\u00e9 \u00ed e\u00f0li s\u00ednu g\u00f3\u00f0 og tr\u00fair \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 fri\u00f0ur milli \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a s\u00e9 ekki a\u00f0eins m\u00f6guleiki heldur \u00e6skilegur. A\u00f0 l\u00fd\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0isr\u00edki sem hafa sameiginleg frj\u00e1lslynd gildi (e. democratic peace theory) \u00e6ttu ekki a\u00f0 hafa neina \u00e1st\u00e6\u00f0u til a\u00f0 fara \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0 hvert gegn \u00f6\u00f0ru. Kant var \u00feeirrar sko\u00f0unar a\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed frj\u00e1lslyndari sem r\u00edki v\u00e6ru, \u00fev\u00ed fri\u00f0samlegri v\u00e6ri heimurinn, \u00fear sem frj\u00e1lslyndum r\u00edkjum er stj\u00f3rna\u00f0 af \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0inni, einstaklingum sem sjaldan vilja str\u00ed\u00f0. \u00deessi \u00e1hersla haf\u00f0i mikil \u00e1hrif \u00e1 uppbyggingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnana, svo sem \u00dej\u00f3\u00f0abandalagsins og Sameinu\u00f0u \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0anna eftir fyrri og seinni heimsstyrj\u00f6ld. Og einnig \u00e1 hugmyndir um sameiginlegt \u00f6ryggi (e. collective security), \u00fe.e. sameiginlega \u00e1byrg\u00f0 r\u00edkja \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu. Hugmynd sem var\u00f0 enn vins\u00e6lli eftir kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 \u00feegar l\u00f6g\u00f0 var \u00e1hersla \u00e1 sameiginlega \u00e1byrg\u00f0 \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum, \u00e1 \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja, \u00fatv\u00edkkun \u00f6ryggishugtaksins, \u00f6ryggi einstaklinga og a\u00f0 gera \u00e6tti al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnanir eins og S\u00de enn mikilv\u00e6gari.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

Frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnan er svar vi\u00f0 raunhyggju um a\u00f0 manneskjan s\u00e9 skyns\u00f6m en \u00ed grundvallaratri\u00f0um sj\u00e1lfselsk. A\u00f0 h\u00fan b\u00fai vi\u00f0 j\u00f6fn t\u00e6kif\u00e6ri \u00ed samf\u00e9l\u00f6gum sem uppbygg\u00f0 eru me\u00f0 eiginhagsmuni manneskjunnar a\u00f0 lei\u00f0arlj\u00f3si. Hugmyndinni er gjarnan hafna\u00f0 f\u00e9lagsfr\u00e6\u00f0ilega (og af frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnu) \u00e1 \u00feeim forsendum a\u00f0 enginn s\u00e9 eyland heldur hluti af sameiginlegu samf\u00e9lagi. Manneskjan hafi b\u00e6\u00f0i h\u00e6fni og vilja til a\u00f0 semja fri\u00f0 jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3tt str\u00ed\u00f0 s\u00e9 innbyggt \u00ed samf\u00e9lagsger\u00f0ina. H\u00e9r er l\u00f6g\u00f0 \u00e1hersla \u00e1 f\u00e9lagsleg tengsl og samskipti manna, og \u00fear af lei\u00f0andi hvers kyns fr\u00e6\u00f0ilega n\u00e1lgun \u00e1 mannlegt e\u00f0li, \u00fear me\u00f0 tali\u00f0 str\u00ed\u00f0, sem krefst ranns\u00f3knar \u00e1 \u00feeim samf\u00e9l\u00f6gum sem ma\u00f0urinn lifir og hr\u00e6rist \u00ed.<\/p>\n

Ef svo er eru \u00feeir \u00fe\u00e6ttir sem stj\u00f3rna e\u00f0li mannsins (einstaklinga) tengdir umhverfi okkar, sta\u00f0 og stund, \u00f6ryggi, e\u00f0li str\u00ed\u00f0s og si\u00f0fer\u00f0i \u00feeirra. Sem vekur \u00fe\u00e1 spurningu hvort formger\u00f0 \u201emenningar\u201c-samf\u00e9laga hafi l\u00edti\u00f0 breyst \u00ed t\u00edmans r\u00e1s. Til d\u00e6mis hvort str\u00ed\u00f0 \u00e1 t\u00edmum H\u00f3mers hafi veri\u00f0 samf\u00e9lagslega fr\u00e1brug\u00f0i\u00f0 str\u00ed\u00f0i \u00e1 sext\u00e1ndu og sautj\u00e1ndu \u00f6ld. Hvort ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 Il\u00edonskvi\u00f0u (750 f.Kr.) og Pel\u00f3psskagastr\u00ed\u00f0inu (431 f.Kr. – 404 f.Kr.)\u00a0 h\u00f6f\u00f0u \u00e1hrif \u00e1 hvernig s\u00ed\u00f0ari kynsl\u00f3\u00f0ir skynja samt\u00edma sinn og hugsa um herna\u00f0. \u00c1ttu \u00e1t\u00f6k Sturlungaaldar (1220-1262) eitthva\u00f0 sameiginlegt \u00a0me\u00f0 \u00e1t\u00f6kum \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu \u00e1 mi\u00f0\u00f6ldum? \u00c1 sama h\u00e1tt m\u00e1 velta fyrir s\u00e9r hvort s\u00f6guleg minning heimsstyrjalda 20. aldar m\u00f3ti hugmyndir okkar um str\u00ed\u00f0 og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi \u00e1 21. \u00f6ld.<\/p>\n

Vi\u00f0 \u00feessum spurningum er au\u00f0vita\u00f0 ekkert eitt svar og vafalaust kann m\u00f6rgum a\u00f0 finnast erfitt a\u00f0 sam\u00feykkja str\u00ed\u00f0 sem hluta af mannlegu e\u00f0li. S\u00fa sko\u00f0un er umdeild. Kenneth Waltz h\u00e9lt \u00fev\u00ed til d\u00e6mis fram a\u00f0 \u00fe\u00f3tt mannlegt e\u00f0li gegni eflaust hlutverki \u00ed a\u00f0 koma \u00e1 str\u00ed\u00f0i geti \u00fea\u00f0 ekki \u00fat af fyrir sig \u00fatsk\u00fdrt b\u00e6\u00f0i str\u00ed\u00f0 og fri\u00f0, nema me\u00f0 \u00feeirri einf\u00f6ldu sta\u00f0reynd a\u00f0 stundum berst ma\u00f0urinn og stundum ekki.[9]<\/a> H\u00e9r er teki\u00f0 undir sko\u00f0un Waltz.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Raunhyggja<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hugmyndir raunhyggjunnar eins og vi\u00f0 \u00feekkjum \u00fe\u00e6r \u00ed dag ur\u00f0u fyrst verulega \u00e1berandi \u00e1 \u00e1ratugunum eftir s\u00ed\u00f0ari heimsstyrj\u00f6ldina. Kenningin var svar vi\u00f0 hughyggju sem \u00ed v\u00ed\u00f0um skilningi taldi a\u00f0 stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lamenn og \u00feeir sem t\u00e6kju \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir \u00e6ttu a\u00f0 for\u00f0ast si\u00f0lausar e\u00f0a \u00f3l\u00f6glegar a\u00f0ger\u00f0ir \u00ed heimsm\u00e1lum.<\/p>\n

Raunhyggja eftirstr\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1ranna s\u00e6kir hugmyndir s\u00ednar til breska stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0ingsins og sagnfr\u00e6\u00f0ingsins E.H. Carr. Hann gagnr\u00fdndi \u00ed b\u00f3k sinni The Twenty Years\u2019 Crisis, 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (1939) <\/em>\u00fea\u00f0 sem hann taldi h\u00e6ttulega og blekkjandi \u201ehugsj\u00f3nahyggju\u201c frj\u00e1lslyndra al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asinna og einkum tr\u00fa \u00feeirra \u00e1 framfarir me\u00f0 uppbyggingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnana eins og \u00dej\u00f3\u00f0abandalagsins. Hann einbeitti s\u00e9r \u00feess \u00ed sta\u00f0 a\u00f0 hlutverki valds og hagsmunag\u00e6slu vi\u00f0 a\u00f0 \u00e1kvar\u00f0a heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja. Eftir heimsstyrj\u00f6ldina 1939-1945 fylgdu Hans Morgenthau og Kenneth N. Waltz ford\u00e6mi Carr me\u00f0 skrifum s\u00ednum um raunhyggju. \u00cd \u00feessum hluta er sj\u00f3num beint fyrst og fremst a\u00f0 n\u00fdraunhyggju Waltz.<\/p>\n

Waltz er \u00feekktur fyrir klass\u00edskar b\u00e6kur s\u00ednar, fyrst Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis (1959<\/em>), eitt \u00e1hrifamesta kenningaverk al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0innar (e. political theory; political philosophy). \u00cd b\u00f3kinni rannsakar Waltz verk helstu hugsu\u00f0a vestr\u00e6nnar stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lafr\u00e6\u00f0i og sko\u00f0anir \u00feeirra \u00e1 ors\u00f6kum str\u00ed\u00f0s. Hann er ekki s\u00ed\u00f0ur \u00feekktur fyrir verk sitt Theory of International Politics (1979)<\/em>. Verk sem haldi\u00f0 hefur v\u00e6gi s\u00ednu en er vissulega umdeilt. \u00cd b\u00f3kinni gerir Waltz \u00e1 kerfisbundinn h\u00e1tt grein fyrir valdajafnv\u00e6gi (e. balance of power) al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta.[10]<\/a><\/p>\n

Waltz skrifar a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l ver\u00f0i best skilin me\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 rannsaka uppbyggingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins eins og \u00fea\u00f0 endurspeglast \u00ed bandal\u00f6gum og annars konar samstarfi r\u00edkja. A\u00f0 mati Waltz eru al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l\/al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti samkeppni og samspil gerenda (r\u00edkja e\u00f0a einstaklinga) sem hafa eiginhagsmuni a\u00f0 lei\u00f0arlj\u00f3si. N\u00fdraunhyggja Waltz v\u00edkur fr\u00e1 hef\u00f0bundinni raunhyggju (e. classical realism) me\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 gera v\u00edsindalega og skipulega (e. structural) grein fyrir valdatengdum samskiptum r\u00edkja. Klass\u00edsk raunhyggja (t.d. Hans Morgenthau) telur a\u00f0 r\u00edki s\u00e9u a\u00f0algerandi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og a\u00f0 str\u00ed\u00f0 og samkeppni \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum ver\u00f0i vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 menn vilja v\u00f6ld.[11]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00cd b\u00f3k sinni Politics Among Nations <\/em>(1948) lag\u00f0i Hans Morgenthau \u00e1herslu \u00e1 mannlegt e\u00f0li eins og Thomas Hobbes ger\u00f0i. A\u00f0 auki h\u00e9lt Morgenthau \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1lum v\u00e6ri stj\u00f3rna\u00f0 af \u00f3breytanlegum n\u00e1tt\u00farul\u00f6gm\u00e1lum. Ef r\u00edki starfi \u00e1 hlutl\u00e6gan h\u00e1tt eftir \u00feessum l\u00f6gm\u00e1lum geti \u00feau teki\u00f0 skynsamlegar og r\u00e9ttar \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir. Mi\u00f0punktur kenningar Morgenthau er hugtaki\u00f0 vald \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum og skilgreining \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0arhagsmuna me\u00f0 tilliti til valds. R\u00edki\u00f0 er a\u00f0algerandinn \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asvi\u00f0inu. \u00dear sem allar a\u00f0ger\u00f0ir r\u00edkja mi\u00f0ast vi\u00f0 a\u00f0 halda v\u00f6ldum, s\u00fdna e\u00f0a auka v\u00f6ld s\u00edn. \u00dev\u00ed eru herna\u00f0arvald og -geta mikilv\u00e6gust. H\u00e9r skiptir hins vegar m\u00e1li a\u00f0 saga r\u00edkja er ekki s\u00fa sama, \u00feau hafa \u00f3l\u00edka sj\u00e1lfsmynd, mismunandi hagsmuni og eru ekki samm\u00e1la um hvernig eigi a\u00f0 leysa vandam\u00e1l al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

Morgenthau lag\u00f0i \u00fev\u00ed \u00e1herslu \u00e1 a\u00f0 r\u00edki f\u00f3rni ekki frelsi s\u00ednu, \u00f6ryggi e\u00f0a \u00f6\u00f0rum grundvallarhagsmunum \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0arinnar fyrir si\u00f0fer\u00f0isreglur al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins. Fri\u00f0samleg lausn deilum\u00e1la getur a\u00f0eins or\u00f0i\u00f0 ef fullvalda r\u00edki eru rei\u00f0ub\u00fain a\u00f0 leggja deilum\u00e1l s\u00edn fyrir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legan d\u00f3mst\u00f3l. Sama gildir um samstarf \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a og einstaklinga til \u00feess a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi ver\u00f0i a\u00f0 veruleika.[13]<\/a> Vandam\u00e1li\u00f0 er hins vegar stj\u00f3rnleysi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins og a\u00f0 r\u00edki sam\u00feykkja ekki yfir\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legt vald. \u00deess vegna hvatti Morgenthau til ranns\u00f3kna og vi\u00f0urkenningar \u00e1 e\u00f0li og takm\u00f6rkun valds og a\u00f0 beitt v\u00e6ri hef\u00f0bundnum a\u00f0fer\u00f0um erindreksturs, \u00fear \u00e1 me\u00f0al m\u00e1lami\u00f0lun til \u00feess a\u00f0 leysa al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0adeilur.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00cd dag eru kenningar Morgenthau helst gagnr\u00fdndar fyrir a\u00f0 \u00fe\u00e6r leggi of mikla \u00e1herslu \u00e1 mikilv\u00e6gi r\u00edkisins, hagsmunag\u00e6slu, mannlegt e\u00f0li og vald. A\u00f0 \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ir og menn s\u00e6kist alltaf eftir v\u00f6ldum og yfirr\u00e1\u00f0um yfir \u00f6\u00f0rum l\u00fdsi ekki al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum \u00e1 sannf\u00e6randi h\u00e1tt. Raunhyggja Morgenthau hefur l\u00edti\u00f0 fram a\u00f0 f\u00e6ra \u00feegar kemur a\u00f0 samskiptum \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a \u00f6\u00f0rum en \u00e1 herna\u00f0arsvi\u00f0inu. Til d\u00e6mis \u00feegar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti eru ranns\u00f6ku\u00f0 \u00fat fr\u00e1 samvinnu r\u00edkja \u00ed efnahagsm\u00e1lum, menningarm\u00e1lum og sameiginlegum p\u00f3lit\u00edskum hagsmunum, t.d. Evr\u00f3pusamvinna.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00derj\u00e1r myndir n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar <\/strong><\/p>\n

B\u00f3k Waltz, Man, the State, and War,<\/em> er \u00e1 margan h\u00e1tt endurger\u00f0 \u00e1 hef\u00f0bundinni raunhyggju og sj\u00f3narhorn hennar \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti, \u00f6ryggi og str\u00ed\u00f0. Samanteki\u00f0 fjallar Waltz um fl\u00f3ki\u00f0 samband mannlegs e\u00f0lis, uppbyggingu r\u00edkja og gangverk al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1la \u00fear sem hann \u00fatsk\u00fdrir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi og orsakir str\u00ed\u00f0s. Waltz heldur \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 e\u00f0li manna, \u00fe.e. l\u00f6ngun \u00feeirra \u00ed vald og e\u00f0lisl\u00e6g \u00e1r\u00e1sarhneig\u00f0, hafi dj\u00fapst\u00e6\u00f0 \u00e1hrif \u00e1 heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0avettvangi. H\u00e6gt s\u00e9 a\u00f0 skilja \u00feessa heg\u00f0un me\u00f0 kerfisbundinni greiningu \u00e1 \u00feremur meginatri\u00f0um, \u00fe.e. myndum (e. images): manninum, r\u00edkinu og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu.[15]<\/a> Waltz bendir \u00e1 a\u00f0 \u00f6ll \u00ferj\u00fa atri\u00f0in, \u201emyndirnar \u00ferj\u00e1r\u201c, ver\u00f0i a\u00f0 nota \u00ed fr\u00e6\u00f0ilegri greiningu \u00e1 b\u00e6\u00f0i ors\u00f6kum str\u00ed\u00f0s og hvernig megi koma \u00ed veg fyrir str\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1t\u00f6k. Hann vitnar \u00ed stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1laheimspekinga s\u00f6gunnar til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00fatsk\u00fdra kenningu s\u00edna. \u00dear er Jean-Jacques Rousseau \u00ed upp\u00e1haldi, s\u00e9rstaklega tilg\u00e1ta hans a\u00f0 \u201estr\u00ed\u00f0 eigi s\u00e9r sta\u00f0 vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 ekkert kemur \u00ed veg fyrir \u00feau\u201c.[16]<\/a><\/p>\n

Waltz bendir \u00e1 \u00ed \u201efyrstu mynd\u201c sinni hvernig einstakar \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir, heg\u00f0un og athafnir einstaklinga geta haft v\u00ed\u00f0t\u00e6kar aflei\u00f0ingar og kemst a\u00f0 \u00feeirri ni\u00f0urst\u00f6\u00f0u a\u00f0 ef \u201eillska manna, e\u00f0a \u00f3vi\u00f0eigandi heg\u00f0un \u00feeirra, lei\u00f0ir til str\u00ed\u00f0s; [\u00e6tti] g\u00f3\u00f0vild einstaklinga, ef h\u00fan v\u00e6ri algild, a\u00f0 tryggja fri\u00f0\u201c.[17]<\/a> S\u00e9 heimssagan lesin m\u00e1 einmitt finna d\u00e6mi um \u00f3vi\u00f0eigandi athafnir manna sem hafa haft \u00e1hrif \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0. Til d\u00e6mis \u00feegar Gavrilo Princip drap Franz Ferdinand, erkihertoga Austurr\u00edsk-ungverska keisarad\u00e6misins, \u00ed Sarajveo sumari\u00f0 1914. Hry\u00f0juverk sem leiddi til aukinnar spennu milli r\u00edkja \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu og a\u00f0 lokum til heimsstyrjaldar. \u00a0\u00c1 sama h\u00e1tt haf\u00f0i Osama bin Laden og hry\u00f0juverka\u00e1r\u00e1s al-Ka\u00edda \u00e1 Bandar\u00edkin 11. september 2001 mikil \u00e1hrif \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 og \u00f3st\u00f6\u00f0ugleika \u00feess.<\/p>\n

Waltz vi\u00f0urkennir a\u00f0 uppbygging og e\u00f0li r\u00edkja gegni mikilv\u00e6gu hlutverki \u00ed m\u00f3tun al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta. \u00cd \u201eannarri mynd\u201c sinni greinir hann \u00e1 yfirgripsmikinn h\u00e1tt mismunandi a\u00f0ger\u00f0ir r\u00edkja, allt fr\u00e1 mi\u00f0st\u00fdr\u00f0um konungsveldum til l\u00fd\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0isr\u00edkja, og undirstrikar hvernig \u00f3l\u00edkt skipulag r\u00edkja getur leitt til \u00e1taka innan al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins. Enn fremur bendir Waltz \u00e1 efnahagslega hagsmuni r\u00edkja, hugmyndafr\u00e6\u00f0ilegan \u00e1greining og herna\u00f0argetu r\u00edkja og varpar lj\u00f3si \u00e1 hver \u00e1hrif \u00feessara \u00fe\u00e1tta eru \u00e1 a\u00f0 str\u00ed\u00f0 hefjist.[18]<\/a> H\u00e9r er \u00e1tt vi\u00f0 samkeppni \u00e1 milli r\u00edkja, stj\u00f3rnleysi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins og leit r\u00edkja a\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi.<\/p>\n

\u00deannig m\u00e1 skilja kenningu Waltz \u00e1 eftirfarandi h\u00e1tt: \u00de\u00f3 a\u00f0 hugmyndir og mannger\u00f0 P\u00fat\u00edns hafi vissulega skipt m\u00e1li \u00feegar \u00dakra\u00ednustr\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 h\u00f3fst 2022 er nau\u00f0synlegt a\u00f0 greina efnahagsumhverfi og p\u00f3lit\u00edska stefnu R\u00fasslands \u00e1samt \u00f6\u00f0rum \u00fe\u00e1ttum sem leiddu til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00e1t\u00f6k brutust \u00fat. \u00cd fyrsta lagi m\u00e1 l\u00edta \u00e1 \u00e1r\u00e1sargjarna \u00fat\u00feenslustefnu R\u00fasslands sem lei\u00f0 til \u00feess a\u00f0 tryggja \u00f6ryggi og v\u00f6ld \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu. \u00deessi stefna var (er) kn\u00fain \u00e1fram af \u00feeirri ni\u00f0url\u00e6gingu sem R\u00fassland taldi sig ver\u00f0a fyrir eftir kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0. R\u00fassland greip til vopna vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00fea\u00f0 \u00f3tta\u00f0ist hva\u00f0 \u00dakra\u00edna g\u00e6ti gert \u00ed framt\u00ed\u00f0inni og vildi r\u00e1\u00f0a yfir n\u00e1tt\u00faruau\u00f0lindum \u00e1 landsv\u00e6\u00f0i \u00dakra\u00ednu. R\u00fassland f\u00f3r \u00fev\u00ed \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0 vegna hagsmuna sinna, \u00feeir voru meira vir\u00f0i en h\u00e6ttur str\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1taka. H\u00e9r skiptir metna\u00f0ur P\u00fat\u00edns og \u00f3tti p\u00f3lit\u00edsku el\u00edtunnar \u00ed R\u00fasslandi vi\u00f0 NAT\u00d3 m\u00e1li. R\u00fassland vildi s\u00fdna a\u00f0 \u00fea\u00f0 v\u00e6ri st\u00f3rveldi \u00ed s\u00f6gulegum skilningi. Hersigur sem undirstrika\u00f0i \u00feetta var (er) mikilv\u00e6gur a\u00f0 mati el\u00edtunnar \u00ed R\u00fasslandi. S\u00f6guleg minning um mikilv\u00e6gi R\u00fasslands l\u00e9k \u00fev\u00ed st\u00f3rt hlutverk.<\/p>\n

\u00c1 sama h\u00e1tt m\u00e1 skilja vi\u00f0br\u00f6g\u00f0 NAT\u00d3-r\u00edkja me\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 rannsaka \u00f6ryggishagsmuni \u00feeirra. R\u00edkin \u00f3ttast metna\u00f0 og hugmyndafr\u00e6\u00f0i P\u00fat\u00edns og R\u00fasslands og reyna \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 tryggja valdajafnv\u00e6gi \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu og eigi\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi. \u00deannig m\u00e1 l\u00edta \u00e1 p\u00f3lit\u00edskar \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir NAT\u00d3-r\u00edkjanna sem svar vi\u00f0 \u00fat\u00feenslustefnu R\u00fasslands frekar en a\u00f0 hugmyndir einstakra lei\u00f0toga e\u00f0a samf\u00e9lagslegir \u00fe\u00e6ttir hef\u00f0u \u00farslita\u00e1hrif \u00e1 stefnu r\u00edkjanna.<\/p>\n

\u00deri\u00f0ja \u201emynd\u201c greiningar Waltz rannsakar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 \u00ed heild sinni. Me\u00f0 \u00edtarlegri greiningu sinni \u00e1 kenningum um valdajafnv\u00e6gi og stj\u00f3rnleysi s\u00fdnir Waltz hve fl\u00f3kin samskipti r\u00edkja, bandal\u00f6g og dreifing valds er \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu.[19]<\/a> Sk\u00fdrasta d\u00e6mi \u00feessa valdakerfis er kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 milli Bandar\u00edkjanna og Sov\u00e9tr\u00edkjanna. T\u00edmabil sem einkenndist af st\u00f3rveldap\u00f3lit\u00edk, mynstri \u00f3beinna \u00e1taka, \u00f3gnarjafnv\u00e6gi kjarnorkuvopna og samvinnu herna\u00f0arbandalaga vegna skipulags kerfisins, \u00fear sem stefnum\u00f3tandi sj\u00f3narmi\u00f0 st\u00f3rveldanna tveggja og bandalagsr\u00edkja voru n\u00e1tengd valdakerfi t\u00edmabilsins.<\/p>\n

Ef \u201e\u00feri\u00f0ja mynd\u201c Waltz er sett \u00ed samhengi vi\u00f0 deilur R\u00fasslands og \u00dakra\u00ednu \u00fe\u00e1 vildu R\u00fassar s\u00fdna umheiminum, fyrst og fremst vestr\u00e6num r\u00edkjum, a\u00f0 \u00dakra\u00edna v\u00e6ri s\u00f6gulega \u00e1 \u00e1hrifasv\u00e6\u00f0i R\u00fasslands. R\u00fassar vildu l\u00e1ta reyna \u00e1 kerfi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, reyna \u00e1 vi\u00f0br\u00f6g\u00f0 vestr\u00e6nna r\u00edkja og \u00f6gra al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu. S\u00fdna Bandar\u00edkjunum a\u00f0 tillit \u00fearf a\u00f0 taka til hagsmuna R\u00fasslands og styrkja \u00feannig st\u00f6\u00f0u landsins \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu. Aflei\u00f0ingin er aukin spenna \u00ed samskiptum r\u00edkjanna \u00fear sem P\u00fat\u00edn og fylgismenn hans skipa s\u00e9r \u00ed li\u00f0 me\u00f0 K\u00edna og \u00cdran og til ver\u00f0ur n\u00fdtt skipulag al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta \u00fear sem einr\u00e6\u00f0isr\u00edki og l\u00fd\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0isr\u00edki takast \u00e1.[20]<\/a> Valdakerfi sem minnir \u00e1 t\u00edmabil kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins.<\/p>\n

Waltz vi\u00f0urkennir hins vegar a\u00f0 ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 \u201emyndunum \u00feremur\u201c, ma\u00f0urinn, r\u00edki\u00f0 og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0, lei\u00f0i \u00ed lj\u00f3s a\u00f0 \u00fe\u00e6r s\u00e9u \u201e\u00fat\u00f3p\u00edskar\u201c a\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed leyti a\u00f0 ein mynd mun alltaf vera \u00f3fulln\u00e6gjandi til a\u00f0 \u00fatsk\u00fdra fl\u00f3kin fyrirb\u00e6ri eins og \u00f6ryggi, herna\u00f0 og orsakir str\u00ed\u00f0s. Rannsaka \u00feurfi kerfisbundi\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti, bakgrunn \u00feeirra og hverjar eru undirliggjandi orsakir \u00e1taka e\u00f0a hva\u00f0 gerir \u00feau m\u00f6guleg.[21]<\/a> \u00dev\u00ed skiptir skipulag al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins mestu m\u00e1li.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00fdraunhyggja og skipulag al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cd b\u00f3k sinni Theory of International Politics <\/em>leggur Waltz fyrst og fremst \u00e1herslu \u00e1 heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja og a\u00f0 hana \u00e6tti a\u00f0 rannsaka \u00fat fr\u00e1 skipulagi (kerfi) al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins. \u00c1herslan er \u00e1 \u00f6ryggi og a\u00f0 orsakir \u00e1taka s\u00e9 a\u00f0 finna \u00ed kerfisbundnum \u00fe\u00e1ttum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins frekar en \u00ed einkennum einstaklinga e\u00f0a samf\u00e9laga. \u00derj\u00fa megineinkenni kenninga Waltz eru stj\u00f3rnleysi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, valdajafnv\u00e6gi og dreifing valds \u00e1 milli fullvalda r\u00edkja. \u00cd fyrsta lagi v\u00edsar stj\u00f3rnleysi\u00f0 til \u00feess a\u00f0 ekki s\u00e9 \u00e6\u00f0ra vald en r\u00edki til a\u00f0 d\u00e6ma \u00ed millir\u00edkjadeilum. Sem merkir einfaldlega, al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l og -samskipti eru stj\u00f3rnlaus vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00fea\u00f0 er engin alheimsstj\u00f3rn (e. world government) til. \u00deess vegna ver\u00f0a r\u00edki a\u00f0 tryggja \u00f6ryggi sitt til \u00feess a\u00f0 lifa af.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00cd \u00f6\u00f0ru lagi einkennast samskipti r\u00edkja af \u00f3jafnri dreifingu valds og af getu valdamestu r\u00edkjanna til a\u00f0 koma \u00e1 skipulagi sem samr\u00e6mist hagsmunum \u00feeirra. Til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00e1tta sig \u00e1 raunverulegri heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja ver\u00f0ur a\u00f0 vera lj\u00f3st hvort \u00feau eru st\u00f3rveldi e\u00f0a me\u00f0alst\u00f3r r\u00edki [e\u00f0a sm\u00e1r\u00edki]. <\/strong>A\u00f0 mati Waltz er lykilatri\u00f0i\u00f0 \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum p\u00f3lun al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins \u2013 hvort \u00fev\u00ed er stj\u00f3rna\u00f0 af einu, tveimur e\u00f0a \u00feremur e\u00f0a fleiri st\u00f3rveldum, \u00fe.e. einp\u00f3lakerfi, tv\u00edp\u00f3lakerfi e\u00f0a margp\u00f3lakerfi (e. unipolarity (hegemony\/oddaveldi), bipolarity, multipolarity).[23]<\/a> Waltz taldi einp\u00f3lakerfi vera \u00f3st\u00f6\u00f0ugustu og h\u00e6ttulegustu uppsetninguna \u00e1 kerfinu. \u00dea\u00f0 v\u00e6ri ekki \u00f6ruggt a\u00f0 lei\u00f0togar einp\u00f3lar\u00edkis (oddaveldi) t\u00e6kju skynsamlegar \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir, s\u00fdndu umbur\u00f0arlyndi og beittu ekki \u00f3h\u00f3flegu herna\u00f0arvaldi. Oddaveldi l\u00e6ri ekki af reynslunni og \u00ed einp\u00f3lakerfi er l\u00edklegra a\u00f0 \u00f6nnur r\u00edki setji sig upp \u00e1 m\u00f3ti oddaveldinu e\u00f0a beiti vopnavaldi.[24]<\/a> \u00deannig f\u00f3ru b\u00e6\u00f0i R\u00fassland og s\u00e9rstaklega K\u00edna a\u00f0 beita s\u00e9r gegn Bandar\u00edkjunum, hugmyndum \u00feeirra og forystuhlutverki \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu \u00e1 t\u00edunda \u00e1ratug s\u00ed\u00f0ustu aldar og \u00ed byrjun 21. aldarinnar.[25]<\/a><\/p>\n

Margp\u00f3lakerfi er hins vegar fl\u00f3ki\u00f0 vegna samkeppni r\u00edkja. Til d\u00e6mis ver\u00f0a valdamestu r\u00edkin [t.d. NAT\u00d3-r\u00edki \u00ed deilum s\u00ednum vi\u00f0 R\u00fassland] a\u00f0 rei\u00f0a sig \u00e1 stu\u00f0ning hvert annars p\u00f3lit\u00edskt og herna\u00f0arlega.[26]<\/a> \u00dev\u00ed skiptir samspil r\u00edkja m\u00e1li og erfi\u00f0ara er fyrir r\u00edki a\u00f0 hunsa vilja annarra r\u00edkja. Vandinn vi\u00f0 margp\u00f3lakerfi (samkv\u00e6mt n\u00fdraunhyggju Waltz) er s\u00e1 a\u00f0 \u00ed fyrsta lagi eru \u00e1t\u00f6k l\u00edklegri vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 valdajafnv\u00e6gi er \u00f3st\u00f6\u00f0ugra en \u00ed tv\u00edp\u00f3lakerfi. St\u00f3rveldi eru l\u00edklegri til \u00feess geta haft sigur \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0i, sem \u00fe\u00fd\u00f0ir a\u00f0 f\u00e6lingarm\u00e1ttur hervelda er erfi\u00f0ari en \u00ed tv\u00edp\u00f3lakerfi. Hins vegar er l\u00edklegra a\u00f0 r\u00edki misreikni sig \u00ed margp\u00f3lakerfi, haldi a\u00f0 \u00feau hafi getuna til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00fevinga e\u00f0a hertaka \u00f6nnur r\u00edki sem \u00feau \u00ed raun og veru geta ekki. \u00deekktasta s\u00f6gulega d\u00e6mi um margp\u00f3lakerfi er t\u00edmabil millistr\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1ranna 1918 til 1939. T\u00edmabil sem einkenndist af hugmyndum um sameiginlegt \u00f6ryggi byggt \u00e1 hugmyndum frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar um samvinnu r\u00edkja. \u00deessar hugmyndir ur\u00f0u a\u00f0 engu \u00feegar \u00de\u00fdskaland og Japan gripu til vopna \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu og As\u00edu \u00ed seinni heimsstyrj\u00f6ld. \u00dev\u00ed kemur ekki \u00e1 \u00f3vart a\u00f0 Waltz taldi tv\u00edp\u00f3lakerfi kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins l\u00edklegustu lei\u00f0ina til a\u00f0 koma \u00ed veg fyrir str\u00ed\u00f0 milli st\u00f3rvelda. Hann tr\u00fa\u00f0i a\u00f0 \u00f3l\u00edklegra v\u00e6ri a\u00f0 r\u00edki misreikni sig \u00ed tv\u00edp\u00f3lakerfi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta. Morgenthau taldi aftur \u00e1 m\u00f3ti a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 \u00fear sem nokkur r\u00edki eru \u00e1l\u00edka \u00e1hrifa- og valdamikil s\u00e9 l\u00edklegast til \u00feess a\u00f0 koma \u00ed veg fyrir \u00f3fri\u00f0 milli st\u00f3rr\u00edkja.[27]<\/a><\/p>\n

D\u00e6mi\u00f0 sem Morgenthau og margir a\u00f0rir raunhyggjumenn v\u00edsa til um \u00e1rangursr\u00edkt margp\u00f3lakerfi er t\u00edmabili\u00f0 eftir \u00f3sigur Nap\u00f3leons 1815 til fyrri heimsstyrjaldar 1914. \u00de\u00e1 \u00e1ttu valdamestu r\u00edki Evr\u00f3pu \u00ed \u201e\u00f3formlegum samskiptum\u201c til \u00feess a\u00f0 vi\u00f0halda valdajafnv\u00e6gi milli st\u00f3rveldanna og for\u00f0a Evr\u00f3pu fr\u00e1 st\u00f3r\u00e1t\u00f6kum eins og Nap\u00f3leonsstr\u00ed\u00f0inu. Raunhyggjumenn vi\u00f0urkenna vissulega a\u00f0 Kr\u00edmstr\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 1853-1856 og sameining \u00de\u00fdskalands 1871 hafi grafi\u00f0 undan valdajafnv\u00e6gi heims\u00e1lfunnar. A\u00f0 auki benda \u00feeir \u00e1 a\u00f0 forystumenn annarra st\u00f3rvelda \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu treystu ekki kanslara \u00de\u00fdskalands Otto von Bismarck og fyrir\u00e6tlun hins n\u00fdja st\u00f3rveldis \u00ed Evr\u00f3pu.[28]<\/a> A\u00f0st\u00e6\u00f0ur sem kenningin, \u00fe.m.t. n\u00fdraunhyggja, tengir vi\u00f0 stj\u00f3rnleysi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins, samkeppni st\u00f3rveldanna, efnahagslega hagsmuni, \u00f6ryggisvanda r\u00edkja, misskilnings og athafna einstaklinga og \u00fatsk\u00fdrir \u00feannig upphaf heimsstyrjaldanna tveggja.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00c1hrif n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar og gagnr\u00fdni <\/strong><\/p>\n

Kenning Waltz var\u00f0 ein \u00e1hrifamesta kenning al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta \u00e1 20. \u00f6ld. \u00de\u00f3 a\u00f0 \u00e1hugi fyrir hugmyndum Waltz s\u00e9 minni en \u00e1\u00f0ur m\u00e1 finna hugmyndir hans og skilgreiningar \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu v\u00ed\u00f0a, enda l\u00fdsa \u00fe\u00e6r vel m\u00f6rgum \u00fe\u00e1ttum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagsins og eru helst nota\u00f0ar til a\u00f0 \u00fatsk\u00fdra str\u00ed\u00f0 og fri\u00f0. Hins vegar er n\u00fdraunhyggja gagnr\u00fdnd, b\u00e6\u00f0i \u00far herb\u00fa\u00f0um raunhyggjunnar og frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnunnar. H\u00f6fundar n\u00fdklass\u00edskrar raunhyggju (e. neoclassical realism) gagnr\u00fdna forsp\u00e1rgetu n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar. H\u00fan geri ekki grein fyrir st\u00f3rum breytingum \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu eins og fri\u00f0samlegu falli Sov\u00e9tr\u00edkjanna 1991. Sko\u00f0a ver\u00f0i a\u00f0ra \u00fe\u00e6tti en valdajafnv\u00e6gi til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00e1tta sig \u00e1 heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja. N\u00fdklass\u00edsk raunhyggja leggur frekar \u00e1herslu \u00e1 tengsl milli valds og stefnum\u00e1la og ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 hvernig utanr\u00edkisstefna er \u00fatf\u00e6r\u00f0 og framkv\u00e6md.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00de\u00e1 bendir frj\u00e1lslyndisstefna \u00e1 mikilv\u00e6gi samvinnu \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0am\u00e1lum. \u00cd \u00feessu samhengi skiptir raunverulegu m\u00e1li a\u00f0 vita hver vilji og forgangsr\u00f6\u00f0un r\u00edkja er. \u00deannig m\u00e1 sp\u00e1 fyrir um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0lega heg\u00f0un \u00feeirra. \u00deessi gagnr\u00fdni dr\u00f3 verulega \u00far v\u00e6gi n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum eftir kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0. S\u00e9rstaklega \u00feegar fjalla\u00f0 er um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnanir (intergovernmental organizations; IGOs) og \u00e1hrif \u00feeirra, eins og Sameinu\u00f0u \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0anna e\u00f0a Evr\u00f3pubandalagsins. \u00de\u00e1 var og er enn horft meira \u00e1 \u00e1hrif frj\u00e1lsra f\u00e9lagasamtaka (e. non-governmental organization; NGO) e\u00f0a geranda \u00f3h\u00e1\u00f0 r\u00edki (e. non-state actor). Gerendur sem n\u00fdfrj\u00e1lslyndisstefnan segir mikilv\u00e6ga fyrir stefnum\u00f3tun al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0aumhverfisins. Er \u00fea\u00f0 \u00ed megindr\u00e1ttum \u00fevert \u00e1 kenningu Waltz \u00fe\u00f3tt hann ger\u00f0i s\u00e9r vel grein fyrir \u00e1hrifum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnana og gerenda \u00f3h\u00e1\u00f0 r\u00edkjum. A\u00f0 t\u00edmarnir hafi breyst og r\u00edki s\u00e9u einfaldlega or\u00f0in h\u00e1\u00f0ari hvert \u00f6\u00f0ru.[30]<\/a><\/p>\n

Hins vegar m\u00e1 deila um hver raunveruleg \u00e1hrif al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnana og -f\u00e9lagasamtaka eru \u00ed str\u00ed\u00f0i og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum. Til d\u00e6mis hefur S\u00de l\u00edti\u00f0 gengi\u00f0 a\u00f0 koma \u00ed veg fyrir str\u00ed\u00f0 v\u00ed\u00f0a um heim og \u00ed lj\u00f3si \u00e1taka \u00ed Mi\u00f0-Austurl\u00f6ndum og \u00ed \u00dakra\u00ednu, hagsmuna st\u00f3rvelda og einhli\u00f0a \u00e1kvar\u00f0ana \u00feeirra hafa margir dregi\u00f0 v\u00e6gi S\u00de \u00ed efa. S\u00e9 svo vakna spurningar um hver s\u00e9 raunveruleg sta\u00f0a heimsm\u00e1la. Hvort heimurinn \u00ed dag s\u00e9 margp\u00f3la e\u00f0a einp\u00f3la og r\u00edki geti ekki komi\u00f0 s\u00e9r saman um fri\u00f0samlega heimsskipan. E\u00f0a \u00ed lj\u00f3si \u00feess a\u00f0 innan margra r\u00edkja m\u00e1 finna sundrung og vaxandi vantr\u00fa \u00e1 stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l og grafi \u00fea\u00f0 undan al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astofnunum, samf\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la byggt \u00e1 hugmyndum um \u201ealmannavilja\u201c, \u00fe.e. sameiginlegir hagsmunir f\u00f3lks. \u00dev\u00ed r\u00edki stj\u00f3rnleysi \u00e1 me\u00f0an al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagi\u00f0 leitar a\u00f0 valdajafnv\u00e6gi. S\u00e1 sem h\u00e9r skrifar er \u00feeirrar sko\u00f0unar a\u00f0 fr\u00e1 11. september 2001 hafi p\u00f3lskipti al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta hafist. Fr\u00e1 einp\u00f3lakerfi Bandar\u00edkjanna til margp\u00f3lakerfis dagsins \u00ed dag. A\u00f0 \u00feessu leyti s\u00e6kir h\u00f6fundur hugmyndir s\u00ednar til n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar, fyrst og fremst \u00e1herslur um \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja, en tekur \u00fe\u00f3 undir me\u00f0 m\u00f3tunarhyggju (e. constructivism) og hugmyndum Alexanders Wendts, helsta kenningasmi\u00f0s hennar, og gagnr\u00fdni hans \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggjuna. Einstaklingar og f\u00e9lagsger\u00f0 r\u00edkja skiptir l\u00edka verulegu m\u00e1li.<\/p>\n

Eins og hefur veri\u00f0 nefnt er eitt a\u00f0alatri\u00f0a n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar hvort ranns\u00f3knir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta eigi a\u00f0 beinast a\u00f0 einstaklingum, r\u00edkjum e\u00f0a al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu e\u00f0a hvort \u00f6nnur atri\u00f0i komi til greina. \u00deegar Waltz lag\u00f0i fyrst fram hugmyndir s\u00ednar \u00e1 sj\u00f6tta \u00e1ratug s\u00ed\u00f0ustu aldar var tilgangurinn a\u00f0 gera ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum v\u00edsindalegri. Segja m\u00e1 a\u00f0 kenningin leggi \u00e1herslu \u00e1 a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 m\u00f3ti \u00fe\u00e1 valkosti sem r\u00edkjum standi til bo\u00f0a. Sem merkir a\u00f0 \u00feeir sem taka \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir, forystumenn r\u00edkja, breg\u00f0ast vi\u00f0 \u00feeim valkostum sem eru \u00ed bo\u00f0i. \u00c1kvar\u00f0anir \u00feeirra fari eftir \u00fev\u00ed hvernig \u00feeir sj\u00e1 og skilja t\u00e6kif\u00e6ri s\u00edn og \u00feeim takm\u00f6rkunum sem ver\u00f0a vegna sko\u00f0anaskipta um utanr\u00edkism\u00e1l og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi.<\/p>\n

A\u00f0 lokum. Raunhyggja var \u00e1hrifamesta kenning al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta um langa hr\u00ed\u00f0 og er enn mikilv\u00e6g fr\u00e6\u00f0igrein. Raunhyggja gagnr\u00fdndi upphaflega hughyggju en \u00fe\u00e6r deilur dofnu\u00f0u sm\u00e1m saman \u00e1 t\u00edmum kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins, en t\u00f3ku \u00e1 sig n\u00fdja mynd \u00e1 s\u00ed\u00f0ustu \u00e1ratugum 20. aldar \u00ed \u00e1greiningi milli n\u00fdraunhyggju og n\u00fdfrj\u00e1lslyndrar stofnanahyggju. \u00c1greiningi sem best er l\u00fdst sem deilum um hlutverk r\u00edkja, fyrirkomulag al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins og valdajafnv\u00e6gi. E\u00f0a a\u00f0 lei\u00f0 r\u00edkja til fri\u00f0ar og hags\u00e6ldar s\u00e9 a\u00f0 finna \u00ed samleg\u00f0 au\u00f0linda og jafnvel a\u00f0 r\u00edki framselji hluta fullveldis s\u00edns til al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legra stofnana. A\u00f0 auki \u00ed lok kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins bl\u00f6ndu\u00f0ust hugmyndir m\u00f3tunarhyggju inn \u00ed \u00feessa or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u, \u00feegar kenningin lag\u00f0i sitt af m\u00f6rkum til gagnr\u00fdninnar \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00f3tunarhyggja<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cd st\u00f3rum dr\u00e1ttum er m\u00f3tunarhyggja fr\u00e6\u00f0ilegur rammi \u00fear sem grunn\u00fe\u00e6ttir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0astj\u00f3rnm\u00e1la eru hugsa\u00f0ir sem f\u00e9lagslegar einingar. \u00cd m\u00f3tunarhyggju eru \u00fe\u00e6ttir eins og vald, vi\u00f0mi\u00f0, hagsmunir og jafnvel sj\u00e1lfsmynd ekki \u00f3umbreytanlegar sta\u00f0reyndir sem \u00e1kvar\u00f0a heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja. \u00deess \u00ed sta\u00f0 eru \u00fea\u00f0 heg\u00f0un og hugmyndir einstaklinga sem m\u00f3ta \u00feessi atri\u00f0i.<\/p>\n

Alexander Wendt gagnr\u00fdnir \u00ed grein sinni, Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics,<\/em> hugmyndir n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar um stj\u00f3rnleysi, valdajafnv\u00e6gi, innbygg\u00f0a samkeppni r\u00edkja, a\u00f0 \u00feau b\u00fai sig undir \u00e1t\u00f6k og reyni a\u00f0 h\u00e1marka vald sitt sem einu \u00f6ruggu lei\u00f0ina til a\u00f0 tryggja afkomu s\u00edna. \u00cd sta\u00f0 \u00feessa h\u00e9lt Wendt \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 v\u00e6ri f\u00e9lagslega uppbyggt. Stj\u00f3rnleysi v\u00e6ri ekki \u00f3breytanleg sta\u00f0reynd sem \u00e1kvar\u00f0ar heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja heldur \u00e1stand \u00fear sem merkingin er h\u00e1\u00f0 samskiptum r\u00edkja. Bar\u00e1tta fyrir eiginhagsmunum er \u00fev\u00ed ekki \u00f3umfl\u00fdjanlegur veruleiki al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta heldur a\u00f0eins eitt af m\u00f6rgum einkennum r\u00edkja.[31]<\/a><\/p>\n

Eins og nefnt hefur veri\u00f0 telja raunhyggjumenn sj\u00e1lfshj\u00e1lp vera reglu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta \u00fear sem valddreifing milli r\u00edkja er lykilbreyta sem \u00e1kvar\u00f0ar gj\u00f6r\u00f0ir \u00feeirra. Wendt er \u00e1 \u00f6\u00f0ru m\u00e1li og segir a\u00f0 ekki s\u00e9 h\u00e6gt a\u00f0 rannsaka al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti \u00e1 grundvelli valddreifingar eing\u00f6ngu og a\u00f0 merking stj\u00f3rnleysis s\u00e9 \u00fatsk\u00fdr\u00f0 \u00fat fr\u00e1 hugmyndum, vi\u00f0mi\u00f0um og venjum. Eins og hann or\u00f0a\u00f0i \u00fea\u00f0: \u201e\u00dea\u00f0 er sameiginlegt skipulag [kerfi] sem \u00fatsk\u00fdrir gj\u00f6r\u00f0ir okkar\u201c.[32]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00deess vegna v\u00e6ri ekki h\u00e6gt a\u00f0 meta st\u00f6\u00f0u r\u00edkja hvers gagnvart \u00f6\u00f0ru eing\u00f6ngu \u00fat fr\u00e1 au\u00f0lindum \u00feeirra og herna\u00f0argetu, \u00fear sem efnahags- og herna\u00f0arvald \u00feeirra er t\u00falka\u00f0 \u00e1 mismunandi h\u00e1tt eftir \u00fev\u00ed hvort r\u00edki eru bandamenn, keppinautur e\u00f0a \u00f3vinur. \u00deannig lauk kalda str\u00ed\u00f0inu ekki vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 valdajafnv\u00e6gi\u00f0 milli Bandar\u00edkjanna og Sov\u00e9tr\u00edkjanna breyttist eins og raunhyggja leggur \u00e1herslu \u00e1, heldur vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 st\u00f3rveldin tv\u00f6 l\u00e6r\u00f0u af reynslunni og hugmyndir \u00feeirra um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 og sj\u00e1lfsmynd \u00feeirra breyttust, l\u00f6ndin tv\u00f6 h\u00e6ttu einfaldlega a\u00f0 l\u00edta hvort \u00e1 anna\u00f0 sem \u00f3vin. [33]<\/a><\/p>\n

Wendt lag\u00f0i \u00fev\u00ed \u00e1herslu \u00e1 hvernig al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti r\u00edkja (geranda) m\u00f3ti sj\u00e1lfsmynd \u00feeirra og hagsmuni sem og mat \u00feeirra \u00e1 valdi hvors annars. \u00deessi n\u00e1lgun leiddi til \u00feess a\u00f0 hann hafna\u00f0i svarts\u00fdnum sp\u00e1m n\u00fdraunhyggjumanna um stj\u00f3rnleysi, [herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0]. Wendt heldur \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 r\u00edki geti l\u00e6rt a\u00f0 vinna saman og \u00ed \u00fev\u00ed ferli or\u00f0i\u00f0 samvinnu\u00fe\u00fd\u00f0ari og haft minni herna\u00f0arlega hugmynd um tilgang sinn.[34]<\/a> Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti sem byggjast \u00e1 hugmyndum um valdastj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l (e. power politics) og eigin hagsmunag\u00e6slu (e. self-help system) eru \u00ed raun tilb\u00fai\u00f0 fyrirkomulag \u00ed merkingunni a\u00f0: \u201eStj\u00f3rnleysi er \u00fea\u00f0 sem r\u00edki gera \u00far \u00fev\u00ed\u201c.[35]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00cd lok 20. aldar voru ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum undir s\u00edfellt meiri \u00e1hrifum af m\u00f3tunarhyggju. \u00cd stuttu m\u00e1li: Samkv\u00e6mt kenningunni r\u00e6\u00f0st heg\u00f0un manna af sj\u00e1lfsmynd \u00feeirra og h\u00fan m\u00f3tast af gildum samf\u00e9lagsins, s\u00f6gu, f\u00e9lagslegum a\u00f0st\u00e6\u00f0um, hugmyndum um hlutverk kynjanna, venjum og stofnunum. Hugmyndasmi\u00f0ir m\u00f3tunarhyggju halda \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 allar stofnanir, \u00fear me\u00f0 tali\u00f0 r\u00edki, s\u00e9u f\u00e9lagslega uppbygg\u00f0ar, \u00ed \u00feeim skilningi a\u00f0 \u00fe\u00e6r endurspegla samst\u00f6\u00f0u sem er hugl\u00e6g, sameiginleg vi\u00f0horf til p\u00f3lit\u00edskra \u00e1kvar\u00f0ana, sameiginleg gildi og \u00e1s\u00e6ttanlega f\u00e9lagslega heg\u00f0un. M\u00f3tunarhyggja er \u00fev\u00ed m\u00f3tv\u00e6gi vi\u00f0 a\u00f0rar kenningar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0samskipta. Kenningar \u00fear sem mannlegt e\u00f0li, hagsmunir og stj\u00f3rnleysi skilgreinir al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0, en a\u00f0 mati m\u00f3tunarhyggjumanna eru einstaklingar, r\u00edki\u00f0 og margskonar einingar \u00feess st\u00f6\u00f0ugt a\u00f0 taka stefnum\u00f3tandi \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir bygg\u00f0ar \u00e1 reynslu sinni og s\u00f6gulegri minningu, \u00fear \u00e1 me\u00f0al \u00e1kvar\u00f0anir um str\u00ed\u00f0 og fri\u00f0, \u00e1t\u00f6k e\u00f0a samvinnu.[36]<\/a><\/p>\n

Hins vegar ver\u00f0ur a\u00f0 taka fram a\u00f0 m\u00f3tunarhyggja er ekki \u00e1 sama h\u00e1tt og raunhyggja kenning \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum: \u201eA\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed leyti a\u00f0 h\u00fan fjallar ekki um stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l r\u00edkja eins og raunhyggja gerir, um valdajafnv\u00e6gi, stj\u00f3rnleysi og herstj\u00f3rnarlist. M\u00f3tunarhyggja er a\u00f0fer\u00f0 sem rannsakar hvernig samf\u00e9l\u00f6g manna og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti virka. \u00deannig er l\u00f6g\u00f0 \u00e1hersla \u00e1 hlutverk hugmynda, hvernig sj\u00e1lfsmynd ver\u00f0ur til, gildi og merkingu hlutanna. A\u00f0 til s\u00e9u fleiri sj\u00f3narhorn en r\u00edki\u00f0.\u201c[37]<\/a> \u00de\u00e1 hefur m\u00f3tunarhyggja, helst enski sk\u00f3li kenningarinnar (e. english school), frekar l\u00edti\u00f0 um \u00f6ryggi a\u00f0 segja.[38]<\/a> Allavega \u00feegar kemur a\u00f0 herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi. Fyrir \u00fea\u00f0 m\u00e1 helst gagnr\u00fdna m\u00f3tunarhyggju jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3tt kenningin vi\u00f0urkenni hlutverk r\u00edkisins \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kenningar og orsakir \u00dakra\u00ednustr\u00ed\u00f0sins<\/strong><\/p>\n

H\u00e9r er s\u00fdnt fram \u00e1 hvernig nota m\u00e1 m\u00f3tunarhyggju samhli\u00f0a n\u00fdraunhyggju til \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00e1tta sig \u00e1 ors\u00f6kum \u00f3fri\u00f0ar og or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u um \u00f6ryggi. \u00dev\u00ed ver\u00f0ur ekki \u00e1 m\u00f3ti m\u00e6lt a\u00f0 formger\u00f0 r\u00edkja, vantraust milli \u00feeirra og einstaklinga lei\u00f0ir til v\u00edgb\u00fana\u00f0arkapphlaups, aukinnar spennu e\u00f0a \u00f3fri\u00f0ar jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3tt r\u00edki \u00e6tli s\u00e9r \u00fea\u00f0 ekki. \u00dear af lei\u00f0andi er a\u00f0almarkmi\u00f0 r\u00edkja a\u00f0 vernda og h\u00e1marka eigi\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi. \u00dev\u00ed m\u00e1 segja a\u00f0 nokkur atri\u00f0i hafi haft \u00e1hrif \u00e1 upphaf \u00e1taka \u00ed \u00dakra\u00ednu. \u00de.e. \u00f6ryggisvandi (e. security dilemma)[39]<\/a> \u00e1 milli R\u00fasslands og lands- og sv\u00e6\u00f0isstj\u00f3rna \u00dakra\u00ednu en einnig \u00f6nnur mikilv\u00e6gari atri\u00f0i, \u00fe.e. landfr\u00e6\u00f0istj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l (e. geopolitics) milli R\u00fasslands og Bandar\u00edkjanna og NAT\u00d3.<\/p>\n

N\u00fdraunhyggja og \u00ferj\u00e1r myndir Waltz \u00fatsk\u00fdra vissulega af hverju \u00dakra\u00ednustr\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 h\u00f3fst. Hins vegar er \u00fev\u00ed haldi\u00f0 fram h\u00e9r a\u00f0 \u00f6nnur atri\u00f0i hafi leiki\u00f0 jafn st\u00f3rt hlutverk. \u00d6ryggisvandi og stj\u00f3rnleysi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta er tilb\u00faningur manna, hann er ekki efnislegur veruleiki, heldur f\u00e9lagslega uppbyggt hugsunar- og athafnamynstur. Vi\u00f0mi\u00f0, gildi og t\u00falkun \u00e1 heimsm\u00e1lum \u00e1kvar\u00f0a samskipti r\u00edkja. H\u00e9r skipta mannger\u00f0ir, sj\u00e1lfsmynd, menning, hef\u00f0ir, formger\u00f0 r\u00edkja og s\u00f6guleg minning miklu m\u00e1li. S\u00e1 sem h\u00e9r skrifar telur \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 tv\u00f6 atri\u00f0i \u00fatsk\u00fdri innr\u00e1s R\u00fassa \u00ed \u00dakra\u00ednu:<\/p>\n

1) Hugmyndafr\u00e6\u00f0ilegur \u00e1greiningur milli Vesturlanda og R\u00fasslands sem byggist \u00e1 \u00f3samr\u00fdmanlegum gildum \u00fear sem R\u00fassland telur sig standa fyrir \u201er\u00e9ttl\u00e6ti\u201c e\u00f0a \u201esanngirni\u201c (or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a sem P\u00fat\u00edn leggur oft \u00e1herslu \u00e1). A\u00f0 mati R\u00fasslands er mikilv\u00e6gt a\u00f0 endursko\u00f0a al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0al\u00f6g og -reglur og umgj\u00f6r\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins sem var\u00f0 til eftir kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0. R\u00fassland er eitt af st\u00f3rveldunum og \u00e1 ekki a\u00f0 l\u00fata Vesturl\u00f6ndum. 2) Fr\u00e1 lokum kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins og eftir fall Sov\u00e9tr\u00edkjanna hefur R\u00fassland leita\u00f0 a\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi, sj\u00e1lfsmynd og valdast\u00f6\u00f0u \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0avettvangi. Hef\u00f0bundin gildi, regla, \u00f6ryggi og st\u00f6\u00f0ugleiki eru meira vir\u00f0i en r\u00e9ttindi og frelsi einstaklinga. \u00deetta sannf\u00e6rir r\u00fassnesk stj\u00f3rnv\u00f6ld um mikilv\u00e6gi \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0arhagsmuna sinna og \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0erniskennd sem eykur l\u00f6gm\u00e6ti \u00feeirra (a\u00f0 \u00feeirra mati) og \u00ed lj\u00f3si \u00feessa gr\u00edpur p\u00f3lit\u00edska el\u00edtan til vopna gegn \u00dakra\u00ednu.<\/p>\n

\u00deessi t\u00falkun h\u00f6fundar s\u00e6kir hugmynd s\u00edna til m\u00f3tunarhyggju um a\u00f0 mannger\u00f0ir, gildi, hef\u00f0ir og s\u00f6guleg minning skipti m\u00e1li en l\u00edka til n\u00fdraunhyggjunnar og hugmynda hennar um mikilv\u00e6gi r\u00edkja, \u00f6ryggi \u00feeirra og skiptingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins. \u00deetta d\u00e6mi s\u00fdnir a\u00f0 b\u00e6\u00f0i kenningar n\u00fdraunhyggju og m\u00f3tunarhyggju \u00fatsk\u00fdra af hverju str\u00ed\u00f0 ver\u00f0a og a\u00f0 \u00fe\u00e6r megi nota samhli\u00f0a. A\u00f0 r\u00edki\u00f0 er helsti gerandi al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins, \u00fear leikur mannger\u00f0 einstaklinga, \u00f6ryggi og or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a einstaklinga st\u00f3rt hlutverk.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1l <\/strong><\/p>\n

Eins og s\u00fdnt hefur veri\u00f0 fram \u00e1 er hef\u00f0 fyrir \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi einbeiti s\u00e9r a\u00f0 r\u00edkinu sem meginvi\u00f0fangsefni fr\u00e6\u00f0anna. \u00d6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i (e. international security studies) er hli\u00f0argrein al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta sem \u00ed st\u00f3rum dr\u00e1ttum lag\u00f0i \u00e1herslu \u00e1 herfr\u00e6\u00f0i, herstj\u00f3rnarlist og landfr\u00e6\u00f0istj\u00f3rnm\u00e1l (e. geopolitics) fyrir seinni heimsstyrj\u00f6ldina. Hugtaki\u00f0 \u201e\u00f6ryggi\u201c var lykilor\u00f0 fr\u00e6\u00f0anna b\u00e6\u00f0i til a\u00f0 skilgreina \u00fea\u00f0 og a\u00f0greina fr\u00e1 eldri fr\u00e6\u00f0igreinum eins og herna\u00f0ars\u00f6gu. H\u00e9r skipta hugmyndir um landsv\u00e6\u00f0i (e. territory) miklu, enda samanstendur al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0 af r\u00edkjum, \u00fear sem \u00e1t\u00f6k eru p\u00f3lit\u00edskt ferli, markmi\u00f0i\u00f0 yfirr\u00e1\u00f0 yfir landsv\u00e6\u00f0i til \u00feess a\u00f0 tryggja v\u00f6ld og \u00e1hrif \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfinu.[40]<\/a>\u00a0 Or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a sem rakin er til stj\u00f3rnm\u00e1laheimspekinga fyrri alda \u00fear sem meginvi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0 er \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja.<\/p>\n

H\u00e9r er \u00fev\u00ed haldi\u00f0 fram a\u00f0 fr\u00e1 lokum s\u00ed\u00f0ari heimsstyrjaldar hafi \u00ferj\u00e1r meginspurningar einkennt svi\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1la (\u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a). \u00deessar spurningar tengjast raunhyggju, m\u00f3tunarhyggju og s\u00f6gulegum minningum me\u00f0 beinum h\u00e6tti. \u00cd fyrsta lagi hvert er vi\u00f0fangsefni (e. referent object) \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a. \u00c1 t\u00edmum millistr\u00ed\u00f0s\u00e1ranna og kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins sneri \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i, \u00fe\u00e1 nefnt \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i (e. national security studies), a\u00f0 \u00f6llu sem vi\u00f0kom verndun \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a, r\u00edkja, einstaklinga, \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ernish\u00f3pa e\u00f0a umhverfisins. Hvort sem \u00e1tt var vi\u00f0 hef\u00f0bundi\u00f0 \u201eherna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi\u201c e\u00f0a \u201eal\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi\u201c var r\u00edki\u00f0 (e. state security) meginranns\u00f3knarsvi\u00f0i\u00f0. Al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi me\u00f0 \u00e1herslu \u00e1 mann\u00f6ryggi (e. human security), e\u00f0a minnihlutah\u00f3pa innan og utan landam\u00e6ra r\u00edkja \u00e1tti ekki a\u00f0 koma \u00ed sta\u00f0 \u00f6ryggis r\u00edkja. A\u00f0 tryggja \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkisins var besta a\u00f0fer\u00f0in til a\u00f0 vernda \u00fea\u00f0 og \u00feegna \u00feess. Kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 og \u00e1herslan \u00e1 herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi f\u00f3l \u00ed s\u00e9r samruna r\u00edkis- og \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggis: \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0in studdi r\u00edki\u00f0, \u00fe.e. hugmyndin um samf\u00e9lagss\u00e1ttm\u00e1la (hvernig sem hann er skilgreindur), og \u00ed sta\u00f0inn trygg\u00f0i r\u00edki\u00f0 gildi og hagsmuni samf\u00e9lagsins. \u00deetta \u00fe\u00fdddi a\u00f0 herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi var vi\u00f0fangsefni t\u00edmabilsins.[41]<\/a><\/p>\n

Anna\u00f0 atri\u00f0i \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a tengist or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0unni um innra og ytra \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkja og \u00f3gnir sem \u00fev\u00ed fylgja. H\u00e9r skiptir m\u00e1li hvernig hugtaki\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi er tengt vi\u00f0 hugmyndina um r\u00edki, \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi, v\u00f6ld og landam\u00e6ri, \u00fear sem \u00f6ryggi var \u00f3rj\u00fafanlega tengt r\u00edkinu snerist or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0an um landam\u00e6ri og \u00f3gnir sem a\u00f0 landinu ste\u00f0ju\u00f0u. \u00deess vegna l\u00fdsti Arnold Wolfers \u201e\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi\u201c sem \u00f3sk\u00fdru hugtaki sem \u00e6tti betur vi\u00f0 t\u00edmabili\u00f0 \u00e1 milli heimsstyrjaldanna tveggja, kreppunnar miklu og hugmynda um velfer\u00f0 r\u00edkja. \u00cd lj\u00f3si kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins v\u00e6ri r\u00e9ttara a\u00f0 tala um \u201e\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0arhagsmuni\u201c og \u00f3gnir sem str\u00ed\u00f0inu fylgdu, \u00fear sem umr\u00e6\u00f0an um \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi snerist um gildi \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a og stefnum\u00e1la.[42]<\/a> Or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0an um \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi hefur \u00ed seinni t\u00ed\u00f0 breyst og frekar er r\u00e6tt um hugmyndafr\u00e6\u00f0ilegar andst\u00e6\u00f0ur, t.d. gerendur \u00f3h\u00e1\u00f0 r\u00edki og \u00f3gnir sem \u00feeim fylgja, \u00fe.m.t. fr\u00e1 \u00f3vinveittum r\u00edkjum. \u00deessi umskipti ur\u00f0u til \u00feess a\u00f0 fari\u00f0 var a\u00f0 nota hugtaki\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi samhli\u00f0a \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi og var\u00f0 \u00e1 endanum til \u00feess a\u00f0 ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 svi\u00f0inu ur\u00f0u a\u00f0 \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i (e. international security studies) \u00ed sta\u00f0 \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a (e. national security studies).[43]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00cd \u00feri\u00f0ja lagi: Vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 ranns\u00f3knir \u00e1 \u201e\u00f6ryggi\u201c ur\u00f0u a\u00f0 fr\u00e6\u00f0igrein \u00e1 t\u00edmum kalda str\u00ed\u00f0sins, og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti t\u00edmabilsins snerust a\u00f0allega um herna\u00f0argetu, andst\u00e6\u00f0inga, kjarnorkuvopn, herna\u00f0arbandal\u00f6g og sj\u00e1lfsmynd r\u00edkja, ur\u00f0u hugt\u00f6kin \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi e\u00f0a \u00f6ryggi r\u00edkisins n\u00e1nast samheiti yfir herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi. \u00dear me\u00f0 er ekki sagt a\u00f0 \u00f6nnur atri\u00f0i hafi veri\u00f0 \u00fatiloku\u00f0 \u00ed ranns\u00f3knum, t.d. efnahagsm\u00e1l, p\u00f3lit\u00edskur st\u00f6\u00f0ugleiki, t\u00e6kni og n\u00e1tt\u00faruau\u00f0lindir.[44]<\/a> \u00deessi atri\u00f0i voru hins vegar felld inn \u00ed umr\u00e6\u00f0una um herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi. \u00c1st\u00e6\u00f0an var a\u00f0 \u00feau voru talin tengjast \u00f3gnum t\u00edmabilsins, notkun hervalds og eftirliti me\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed og voru \u00fev\u00ed hluti af herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi en ekki s\u00e9rst\u00f6k \u00f6ryggisatri\u00f0i. \u00deessi umr\u00e6\u00f0a \u00e1tti s\u00ed\u00f0ar eftir a\u00f0 breytast til muna \u00feegar lei\u00f0 \u00e1 kalda str\u00ed\u00f0i\u00f0 og hugmyndir um \u00fatv\u00edkkun \u00f6ryggishugtaksins n\u00e1\u00f0u f\u00f3tfestu, \u00feegar \u00f6nnur \u00f6ryggisatri\u00f0i en herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi ur\u00f0u mikilv\u00e6g fyrir fr\u00e6\u00f0igreinina. Atri\u00f0i eins og efnahags\u00f6ryggi, heilbrig\u00f0is\u00f6ryggi, samf\u00e9lags\u00f6ryggi, matv\u00e6la\u00f6ryggi, mann\u00f6ryggi og umhverfis\u00f6ryggi.[45]<\/a> \u00deessari or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0u hefur veri\u00f0 l\u00fdst sem \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingu (e. securitization).<\/p>\n

Kenningin skilgreinir \u00f6ryggi sem ferli, f\u00e9lagslega uppbyggingu tiltekinna \u00f3gna. Sem \u00fe\u00fd\u00f0ir a\u00f0 gerendur al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins, fyrst og fremst r\u00edki, \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0i umr\u00e6\u00f0una me\u00f0 \u00fev\u00ed a\u00f0 leggja \u00e1herslu \u00e1 \u00e1kve\u00f0in atri\u00f0i (\u00f3gn) sem \u00fearf a\u00f0 breg\u00f0ast vi\u00f0. \u00deetta \u00e1stand er kynnt \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0inni, jafnvel endurteki\u00f0 aftur og aftur, og ef samf\u00e9lagi\u00f0 sam\u00feykkir h\u00e6ttuna geta r\u00edki brug\u00f0ist vi\u00f0. \u00deetta kallast \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ing. Kenningin leggur \u00fev\u00ed \u00e1herslu \u00e1 hvernig \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingin fer fram, hverjir eru gerendurnir, um hva\u00f0a m\u00e1lefni (\u00f3gnir) er r\u00e6tt, fyrir hvern (vi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0 er), hvers vegna, me\u00f0 hva\u00f0a \u00e1rangri og vi\u00f0 hva\u00f0a a\u00f0st\u00e6\u00f0ur.[46]<\/a> A\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi s\u00e9 \u00ed raun or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a, speech act<\/em>, samkv\u00e6mt kenningunni. A\u00f0 h\u00e6gt s\u00e9 rannsaka hvernig hugtaki\u00f0 \u201e\u00f6ryggi\u201c er nota\u00f0 \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskiptum \u00e1n \u00feess a\u00f0 \u00ferengja e\u00f0a \u00fatv\u00edkka merkingu \u00feess. \u00deessi n\u00e1lgun er mikilv\u00e6g \u00fear sem kenning \u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingar byggist \u00e1 n\u00fdraunhyggju og m\u00f3tunarhyggju.[47]<\/a><\/p>\n

H\u00e9r skiptir sj\u00e1lfsmynd m\u00e1li. Fyrir r\u00edki er h\u00fan mikilv\u00e6g, hana ver\u00f0ur a\u00f0 verja svo h\u00fan glatist ekki. Lei\u00f0togar r\u00edkja leggja \u00fev\u00ed \u00e1herslu \u00e1 \u00f6ryggisstefnu sem samr\u00fdmist \u00feeirra eigin hugmyndum og sj\u00e1lfsmynd.[48]<\/a> Sj\u00e1lfsmyndin er n\u00e1tengd s\u00f6gulegum minningum, umfj\u00f6llun um \u00f6ryggi og s\u00f6gulegum hugmyndum um str\u00ed\u00f0. Vegna mikilv\u00e6gis r\u00edkisins, einstaklinga og samf\u00e9lagsins \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum og ekki s\u00ed\u00f0ur vegna \u00feess a\u00f0 margskonar or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a hefur \u00e1hrif \u00e1 hugmyndir einstaklinga um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi og \u00f3fri\u00f0.<\/p>\n

\u00deannig er deilt um hvort hugtaki\u00f0 \u00f6ryggi tengist fyrst og fremst hervaldi, hvernig eigi a\u00f0 nota, stj\u00f3rna og beita hervaldi. Gagnr\u00fdnendur halda \u00fev\u00ed fram a\u00f0 \u00e1hersla \u00e1 herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi s\u00e9 of \u00fer\u00f6ng skilgreining. H\u00fan skilyr\u00f0i heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja. \u00deess \u00ed sta\u00f0 eigi hugtaki\u00f0 a\u00f0 taka til fleiri \u00fe\u00e1tta, t.d. loftslagsbreytinga, f\u00e9lags- og heilbrig\u00f0is\u00f6ryggis. H\u00e9r er miki\u00f0 \u00ed h\u00fafi. Hvernig \u00e1 a\u00f0 skilgreina \u00f6ryggi og hva\u00f0a merkingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1l \u00ed raun og veru hafa. Forgangsr\u00f6\u00f0un \u00f6ryggism\u00e1la og hvernig vi\u00f0 n\u00e1lgumst \u00feau getur haft alvarlegar aflei\u00f0ingar fyrir einstaklinga og al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0. \u00deannig varpa kenningar m\u00f3tunarhyggju og n\u00fdraunhyggju lj\u00f3si \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0, a\u00f0 sj\u00e1lfsmynd og formger\u00f0 r\u00edkja \u00fatsk\u00fdrir \u00e1herslur \u00feeirra \u00ed \u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum og af hverju str\u00ed\u00f0 ver\u00f0a og grundvallast \u00e1 \u00fev\u00ed sem vi\u00f0 l\u00e6rum.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lokaor\u00f0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kenningar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0a hafa s\u00f6gulega sn\u00faist um hvernig r\u00edki ur\u00f0u til, hvernig \u00feau tryggja \u00f6ryggi sitt og verja hagsmuni s\u00edna. H\u00e9r skiptir m\u00e1li or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0a um al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfi\u00f0, \u00f6ryggi, str\u00ed\u00f0 og fri\u00f0 og hver tilgangur or\u00f0r\u00e6\u00f0unnar er. R\u00edki eru ekki til \u00e1n manna. Einstaklingar m\u00f3ta al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamf\u00e9lagi\u00f0 og samskipti r\u00edkja sem vissulega geta veri\u00f0 stj\u00f3rnlaus. \u00dev\u00ed m\u00e1 skilja valdajafnv\u00e6gi og skiptingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins sem verk manna. \u00deannig varpa m\u00f3tunarhyggja, n\u00fdraunhyggja og \u00f6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0i lj\u00f3si \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipti. H\u00e9r skiptir metna\u00f0ur manna, sj\u00e1lfsmynd einstaklinga og r\u00edkja m\u00e1li. R\u00edki breg\u00f0ast vi\u00f0 \u00feegar \u00feeim finnst a\u00f0 s\u00e9r s\u00f3tt, \u00feau skilgreina \u00feann \u00f6ryggisvanda sem vi\u00f0 \u00feeim blasir. S\u00fa skilgreining s\u00e6kir fyrirmynd s\u00edna til \u00feess sem \u00feau hafa l\u00e6rt og til mannlegs e\u00f0lis. Enda er heimurinn sem vi\u00f0 lifum \u00ed m\u00f3ta\u00f0ur af s\u00f6gulegum minningum um hagsmuni r\u00edkja og hugmyndum um \u00f6ryggi og merkingu hugtaksins. \u00dev\u00ed m\u00e1 skilja umr\u00e6\u00f0u um str\u00ed\u00f0 og \u00f6ryggi (\u00f6ryggisv\u00e6\u00f0ingu), allavega \u00ed evr\u00f3pskri s\u00f6gu, \u00fat fr\u00e1 myndun \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0r\u00edkisins og sem afur\u00f0 p\u00f3lit\u00edskrar hugsunar og s\u00f6gut\u00falkana, sem skilyr\u00f0ir heg\u00f0un r\u00edkja, \u00feegar rannsaka \u00e1 \u00fer\u00f3un r\u00edkja og \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a, m\u00f3tun gilda, sj\u00e1lfsmyndir einstaklinga og r\u00edkja og skilgreiningar \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum og uppbyggingu al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0akerfisins. Er h\u00e6gt a\u00f0 segja a\u00f0 hef\u00f0 s\u00e9 fyrir einhverskonar al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0legri hugsun, \u00fear sem p\u00f3lit\u00edskar hugmyndir og s\u00f6gulegar minningar um \u00f6ryggi og str\u00ed\u00f0 leika st\u00f3rt hlutverk.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Tilvisanir<\/strong><\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Bartelson, J. War in International Thought<\/em>, bls. 20, 34; Cederman, L. E, Toro, P. G, Girardin, L, og Schvitz, G. \u201eWar Did Make States\u201c, bls. 324.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Bartelson, J. War in International Thought<\/em>, bls 150-151; Vilhja\u0301lmur A\u0301rnason. [Vef], \u201eHvernig ur\u00f0u si\u00f0areglur til\u201c; Donnelly, J. (2002). Realism and International Relations,<\/em> bls. 51.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Knutsen, T. L. A History of International,<\/em> bls.115-117; Heuser, B., The Evolution<\/em>, bls. 74.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Sheehan, M. International Security, <\/em>bls. 10-13; Polansky, D. \u201eDrawing Out the\u201c, bls. 2-3, 12-14; Douglass, R. \u201eHobbes and Political\u201c bls. 252.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Clarkson, J. \u201eThe Rousseauian root\u201c, bls. 12-14; Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 392; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 8; Waltz, N. K. Man, the State, and War, <\/em>bls. 166-167.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Knutsen. T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 140; 164; Kernic, F. \u201ePax Kantiana and Res Militaris\u201c, bls 45.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 84; Freedman, L. The<\/em> Future of War, <\/em>bls. 137.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Heuser, B. The Evolution of Strategy<\/em>, bls. 74; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 33-34.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State, and War, <\/em>bls. 28-29.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> MacKay, J. \u201eMaking Democracy Safe for the World\u201c, bls. 2-3.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 302.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 302, 304; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 16-17.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Morgenthau, H. Politics among Nations, <\/em>bls. 398-399; Speer, J. P. \u201eHans Morgenthau and the World State\u201c, bls. 207; Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 147.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Britannica. The Editors of Encyclopaedia. [Vef). \u201eHans Morgenthau\u201c.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 10.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State and War, <\/em>bls. 165-171, 232.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State and War,<\/em> bls. 39.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State and War, <\/em>bls. 81-84.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State and War, <\/em>bls. 159-165.<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> Paw\u0142uszko, P. \u201eThe Conflict between Russia and Ukraine\u201c, bls. 13.<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Man, the State and War, <\/em>bls. 228-229.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Theory of International Politics<\/em>, bls. 102-104, 126,130; Waltz, N. K. \u00a0\u201eEvaluating Theories\u201c, bls. 913; Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 386.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Theory of International Politics<\/em>, bls. 72-73, 103-107; Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 386-387.<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Theory of International Politics<\/em>, bls.112, 201; MacKay, J. \u201eMaking Democracy Safe for the World\u201c, bls. 6, 8.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. \u201eAmerica as a Model for the World?\u201c, bls. 669; Mearsheimer, J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics<\/em>, bls. 335.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Theory of International Politics, <\/em>bls. 169; Waltz, N. K. \u201eThe Origins of War in Neorealist Theory\u201c. bls. 622; Waltz, N. \u00a0K. \u201eStructural Realism after the Cold War\u201c. bls. 6.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. \u201eThe Origins of War\u201c, bls. 622; Mearsheimer, J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics<\/em>, bls. 335, 338; Waltz, N. K. \u201eStructural Realism after the Cold War \u201c, bls. 19; Morgenthau, H. Politics among Nations, <\/em>bls. 8.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> Morgenthau, H. Politics among Nations, <\/em>bls. 367-368; Taylor, A. J. P. The Struggle for, <\/em>bls. 526-528; Kennedy, P. The Rise and Fall, <\/em>bls. 234-235; Jervis, R. \u201eCooperation under\u201c, bls. 176-179.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> Sj\u00e1 t.d.: Gideon, R. \u201eNeoclassical Realism and Theories\u201c, bls. 147, 157, 159.<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> Waltz, N. K. Theory of International Politics, <\/em>bls. 138-139; Knutsen, T. L. A History of International, <\/em>bls. 418-419.<\/p>\n

[31]<\/a> Wendt, A. \u201eAnarchy is\u201c, bls. 396-397.<\/p>\n

[32]<\/a> Wendt, A. \u201eAnarchy is\u201c, 1992, bls. 397.<\/p>\n

[33]<\/a> Wendt, A. \u201eAnarchy is\u201c, 1992, bls. 397.<\/p>\n

[34]<\/a> Wendt, A. \u201eAnarchy is\u201c, 1992, bls. 396-398, 400, 415.<\/p>\n

[35]<\/a> Wendt, A. \u201eAnarchy is\u201c, 1992, bls. 395.<\/p>\n

[36]<\/a> Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 153.<\/p>\n

[37]<\/a> Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 152.<\/p>\n

[38]<\/a> Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 152.<\/p>\n

[39]<\/a> Sj\u00e1 um \u00f6ryggisvanda \u00ed: Jervis, R. \u201eCooperation under the Security Dilemma \u201c, bls. 164-214.<\/p>\n

[40]<\/a> Bartelson, J. War in International Thought<\/em>, bls. 88.<\/p>\n

[41]<\/a> Buzan, B. og Hansen, L. The Evolution of International<\/em>, bls. 10-12; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 6; Krause, K. og Williams, M. \u201eSecurity and \u201cSecurity Studies\u201c, bls. 17-18; Booth, K. Theory of World Security<\/em>, bls. 28.<\/p>\n

[42]<\/a> Wolfers, A. \u201eNational Security\u201c, bls. 482; Sheehan, M, International Security,<\/em> bls. 6-7.<\/p>\n

[43]<\/a> Buzan, B. og Hansen, L. The Evolution of International<\/em>, bls. 10-12; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 2-3.<\/p>\n

[44]<\/a> Buzan, B. og Hansen, L. The Evolution of International<\/em>, bls. 12.<\/p>\n

[45]<\/a> Buzan, B. og Hansen, L. The Evolution of International<\/em>, bls. 10-12; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 2-3, 44; Krause, K. og Williams, M, \u201eSecurity and Security Studies\u201c, bls. 18-20.<\/p>\n

[46]<\/a> Buzan, B, W\u00e6ver, O. og Wilde de, J. Security: A New Framework for Analysis, bls. <\/em>32; Krause, K, og Williams. M, \u201eSecurity and Security Studies\u201c, bls. 21; Sheehan, M. International Security,<\/em> bls. 3.<\/p>\n

[47]<\/a> Williams, M. C. \u201eWords, Images, Enemies\u201c, bls. 512, 528.<\/p>\n

[48]<\/a> Budryte, D, Resende, E, og Becker, D. \u201eDefending Memory\u201c, bls. 5.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Heimildaskr\u00e1<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bartelson, J. (2008). War in International Thought<\/em>. Cambridge University Press.<\/p>\n

Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. \u201eHans Morgenthau\u201c.\u00a0Encyclopedia <\/em>Britannica<\/em>, 15. j\u00fal\u00ed. 2024, https:\/\/www.britannica.com\/biography\/Hans-Morgenthau<\/p>\n

Booth, K. (2007). Theory of World Security<\/em>. Cambridge University Press.<\/p>\n

Buzan, B. og Hansen, L. (2009). The Evolution of International Security Studies<\/em>. Cambridge University Press.<\/p>\n

Buzan, B, W\u00e6ver, O. og Wilde de, J. (1998). Security: A New Framework for <\/em>Analysis.<\/em> Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.<\/p>\n

Budryte, D, Resende, E. og Becker, D. (2020).<\/em> \u201eDefending Memory: Exploring the Relationship between Mnemonical\u201c. Interdisciplinary Political Studies. IdPS, 6(1), bls. 5-19. <\/em>DOI: 10.1285\/i20398573v6n1p5<\/em><\/p>\n

Cederman, L.-E, Toro, P. G, Girardin, L, og Schvitz, G. (2023). \u201eWar did make\u00a0States: Revisiting the Bellicist Paradigm in Early Modern Europe\u201c. International Organization<\/em>, 77(2), bls. 324\u2013362. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1017\/S0020818322000352<\/p>\n

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Jervis, R. (1978). \u201eCooperation under the Security Dilemma\u201c. World Politics<\/em>, 30, (2),\u00a0bls. 164-214, https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/2009958<\/p>\n

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Greinin varpar lj\u00f3si \u00e1 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1l \u00fat fr\u00e1 hugmyndum um hlutverk r\u00edkja, mannlegs e\u00f0lis, \u00e1taka og s\u00f6gulegra minninga. \u00d6ryggisfr\u00e6\u00f0um og kenningum al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta, n\u00fdraunhyggju, m\u00f3tunarhyggju og frj\u00e1lslyndisstefnu, er beitt til \u00feess greina vi\u00f0fangsefni\u00f0. Tilg\u00e1ta \u00feessa verks er a\u00f0 al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggi s\u00e9 mikilv\u00e6gasta vi\u00f0fangsefni al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0asamskipta og svo hafi veri\u00f0 um langa hr\u00ed\u00f0 \u00fear sem herna\u00f0ar\u00f6ryggi hafi leiki\u00f0 st\u00e6rsta hlutverki\u00f0. En jafnvel \u00fe\u00f3 hagsmunir r\u00edkja og \u00f6ryggi \u00feeirra skipti m\u00e1li leika einstaklingar, sj\u00e1lfsmynd, gildi \u00feeirra og hugmyndir um \u00f6ryggi ekki s\u00ed\u00f0ur st\u00f3rt hlutverk \u00ed al\u00fej\u00f3\u00f0a\u00f6ryggism\u00e1lum.<\/p>\n

The paper discusses international security based on ideas about the role of the state, human nature, war and historical memory. International security studies and two theories of international relations, neo-realism (e. structural realism) and constructivism, are used to analyse the subject. In addition, liberalism is compared with realism. It is argued that neo-realism and constructivism, security studies and historical memory best describe state relations, individual decisions, the international system and international security. The work is Icelandic and as such has an unquestionable value, as there are few academic publications or articles on the subject in Icelandic. The hypothesis of this work is that the most important subject of international relations is security, and military security has played the central role. But even if states try to secure their interests and war is likely due to the interests of states and the structure of the international system. Individuals, their identity, values, historical memory \u200b\u200band ideas about security are no less important.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":530,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2673],"tags":[2783,2779,2791,2781,2787,2784,2788,553,2164,87,2789,2786,2780,2778,2104,2790,2785,555,2782,175],"coauthors":[1339],"class_list":["post-34213","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-new-article-double-blind-peer-review-volume-21-no-1-2026","tag-althjodaoryggi","tag-constructivism","tag-einstaklingar","tag-frjalslyndisstefna","tag-hernadaroryggi","tag-historical-memory","tag-human-nature","tag-individuals","tag-international-security","tag-liberalism","tag-mannlegt-edli","tag-military-security","tag-motunarhyggja","tag-raunhyggja","tag-realism","tag-riki","tag-soguleg-minning","tag-states","tag-strid","tag-war"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34213","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/530"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=34213"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34213\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":34223,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34213\/revisions\/34223"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=34213"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=34213"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=34213"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=34213"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}