{"id":140,"date":"2012-03-23T14:01:24","date_gmt":"2012-03-23T14:01:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/?p=140"},"modified":"2016-03-30T15:18:53","modified_gmt":"2016-03-30T15:18:53","slug":"goeran-greider-ingen-kommer-undan-olof-palme-stockholm-ordfront-2011","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/07-1\/c37-book-review\/goeran-greider-ingen-kommer-undan-olof-palme-stockholm-ordfront-2011\/","title":{"rendered":"G\u00f6ran Greider, Ingen kommer undan Olof Palme (Stockholm: Ordfront, 2011)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\t
\n\n\t\t<\/i><\/span> <\/a>\n\n\t<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\n

To the pressing return of Palme\u2019s figure in the debate on the future of Swedish Social Democracy an intense book by G\u00f6ran Greider \u2013 poet and journalist, one of the ten most authoritative intellectuals in Sweden \u2013 has remarkably contributed: Nobody escapes Olof Palme<\/em>[1]<\/sup><\/a>; an evocative title for a work which is not meant as a biography but rather as a \u201cwalk\u201d, taken during and just after the 2010 electoral campaign, across Palme\u2019s life as well as through the changes occurring in the Swedish Social Democratic party \u2013 and in Sweden in the whole \u2013\u00a0under the last decades (subsequently to Palme\u2019s death).<\/p>\n

Greider\u2019s path \u2013 made up of meetings with old and new activists, in Stockholm as well as in more peripheral areas \u2013 starts from four places in Stockholm with a symbolic value in Palme\u2019s life: \u00d6stermalm, the upper class neighbourhood where he grew up; V\u00e4llingby, the ultra-rationalistic suburb where the Palmes moved to in the 1950s; the street (V\u00e4sterl\u00e5nggatan) in the Old Town, where he lived in the last years of his life; and the road (Sveav\u00e4gen) in the modern city centre where he worked (the Social Democratic party has its head office there) and where he was murdered.<\/p>\n

In the first chapter (\u00d6stermalmsgatan<\/em>) Greider points out that the Swedish Conservative Party (Moderaterna<\/em>), although claiming the legacy of Tage Erlander (Palme\u2019s predecessor, prime minister from 1946 to 1969, the age of the making of the impressive Swedish public sector), still looks at Palme as a taboo. Unless\u2026 he is not purified by any Socialist corruption. Greider is persuaded that exactly this embarrassing contamination explains why the centre-right parties as well as the Social Democrats try in any way to escape Palme.<\/p>\n

The second chapter (Tornedalsgatan<\/em>) focuses indeed on the biographies (by Henrik Berggren, by Kjell \u00d6stberg and by Klas Eklund[2]<\/sup><\/a>) offering an embalmed portrait of Palme as statesman (and in the case of Berggren\u2019s work, also trying to turn Palme into a liberal). After all, why should the upper class give up claiming the most talented politician grown up from its own ranks (although unfortunately gone over to the enemy)?<\/p>\n

Greider makes clear that his own aim is on the contrary to discuss the most controversial elements in Palme\u2019s political career. The author\u2019s thesis is that the Social Democratic leader can be understood only in the light of the social movement, aiming at a social transformation, which he led from 1969 (when Palme was appointed party leader and subsequently prime minister) to 1986, both in power and in opposition: the working class and its allies. According to the author, \u201cthe movement is the message\u201d, as he makes clear already in the short Introduction<\/em>, coming back to this idea in the second chapter, where moreover he points out that nowadays in Sweden the only political organization aiming at, and succeeding in, building a political movement is the xenophobic party, the Sweden Democrats.<\/p>\n

In the light of these worrying processes, Greider questions one of the commonplaces about the crisis of the Left all over Europe: what is needed \u2013 in Sweden and not only \u2013 is not so much to work out again the transformation thinking (it is not ideas and analysis which are missing), but instead to find new forms of organisation for social movements.<\/p>\n

The author is critical with the influential historiographic trend explaining the ideological development of Swedish Social Democracy as a gradual but at the same time unavoidable removal, from the 1930s onwards, of all Socialist core ideas; starting of course from Socialization, being replaced by the more reassuring \u2013\u00a0and thus more suitable to ensure Capitalists\u2019 support \u2013\u00a0social democracy.<\/p>\n

Greider recalls the great visions the Swedish Social Democrats built upon the cross-class consent they enjoyed, stressing that these were not inescapable paths, but instead the outcomes of choices made by the labour movement: first the \u201cpeople\u2019s home\u201d, launched in 1928 by Per Albin Hansson and since then revised several times as slogan; then, between the 1950s and the 1960s, the \u201cstrong society\u201d[3]<\/sup><\/a>, to refer to the need of an active role of the State aiming at safeguarding citizens\u2019 welfare. In both cases, socialization played no role. Nevertheless, Greider asks himself: what does it mean that in the last years of Palme\u2019s life, after more than four decades of Social Democratic rule (yet interrupted by the centre-right government 1976-1982), almost four workers out of ten had a public employer?<\/p>\n

By doing so Greider raises the<\/em> question as far as the identity of Swedish Social Democracy is concerned, i.e. the role of the State in re-shaping the power relations between classes. His answer is that such an achievement reflected an unmatched degree of socialization of the economy. According to Greider\u2019s analysis indeed the SAP did not restrained its intervention to a socialization of incomes, but rather built an imposing public production system. This is exactly the history which has been removed: the making of a \u201cembryonal Socialism\u201d in Sweden. The centre-right can not take possession of it, because of the incompatibility with its own social-liberal vision; furthermore, this history makes many Social Democrats feel uneasy as well.<\/p>\n

After making amends for the sins of Soviet Socialism, it is time, Greider writes in the third chapter (V\u00e4sterl\u00e5nggatan<\/em>), to look forward: if not nowadays, in ten, twenty years the good \u201cutopia\u201d contained in Communism will become topical again.<\/p>\n

The great chance missed by the Swedish Social Democracy, the third crossroad it had to face, is indicated by Greider in the debate on wage earner funds, started in the early 1970s (but with earlier roots) from the awareness that capital formation should be increased without helping at the same time wealth concentration. Put forward in 1975 by the trade union economist Rudolf Meidner, the proposal provided the establishment of funds \u2013 stocks being strategic property \u2013 to be administered by workers and constituted through the transfer of a share of annual corporate profits; they were supposed to shift gradually the ownership in medium to large companies from employers to workers. The SAP strove to turn the funds into an instrument of capital accumulation; when they were finally introduced by a law, in 1983, had no longer anything to do with the original proposal, being rather an element within a general anti-crisis policy. That, too, as well as the People\u2019s Home and the Strong Society, was a choice, Greider stresses, without playing down at all Palme\u2019s contribution in neutralizing the subversive component of the funds, in the face of the hysterical reactions from business circles.<\/p>\n

The divide between Palme and his successors is identified by Greider not in the capacity to take unpopular decisions \u2013\u00a0which Palme, too, took, and which the author accepts as hard lesson of politics \u2013\u00a0but rather on one hand in Palme\u2019s attachment to Democratic Socialism and on the other hand in his successors being unable to make it clear that, notwithstanding unfavourable circumstances, the aim is still the same: to ensure equality and safety. It is not by chance that what is considered worthy being celebrated in Palme is his internationalism, not his democratic socialism, i.e. not the politician who recalled the Socialist legacy always present (even though in an underground way) in the party history.<\/p>\n

In the final chapter (Sveav\u00e4gen<\/em>) Greider points out to the two conditions which can allow a revival of Democratic Socialism in the XXI Century. The first is that as long as we live in a capitalist society, Marxism, yet not self-sufficient (but rather to be supplemented by the Green thinking and by social movements other than the labour one), remains the best conceptual tradition we have at our disposal in understanding \u2013\u00a0and in changing \u2013\u00a0reality. The second condition is to give raise to new social movements and at the same time to revitalize the existing ones, too often unable to communicate with each other.<\/p>\n

The goal is, once again, with more urgency than ever, labour liberation.<\/p>\n

\n

\n

Endnotes<\/strong><\/p>\n

———————————————————————————————————-<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> G. Greider, Ingen kommer undan Olof Palme<\/em>, Ordfront, Stockholm 2011.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

[2]<\/a> See M. Quirico, Olof Palme: One Life, Many Readings<\/em>, \u201cNordicum Mediterraneum\u201d, 2011, VI, 1.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

[3]<\/a> At that time the distinction between State and civil society was weak, in the Swedish political lexicon, thus the translation into another language has to take into account this ambiguity, due to the close relation between the two spheres. See L. Tr\u00e4g\u00e5rdh, The Paradox of Swedish Political Culture: State and Civil Society in Sweden<\/em>, Introduction to State and Civil Society in Northern Europe. The Swedish Model Reconsidered<\/em>, ed. by Id., New York-Oxford, Berghahn Books, 2007, pp. 1-3.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In 2011 within the Swedish labour movement many activists dissatisfied with the Social Democratic Party (SAP) \u2013 who in 2010 suffered from the second electoral defeat in succession and fell into a never-ending crisis \u2013\u00a0turned to the legacy of Olof Palme (whose XXV death anniversary was celebrated on February, 28) as a flag of the true Social Democratic tradition, to which it is urgent to come back before the centre-right government achieves a full \u201cparadigm shift\u201d, deregulating further the labour market and privatizing the Welfare State.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":270,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[32],"tags":[176,453,273,179,180,274,454],"coauthors":[1235],"class_list":["post-140","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-c37-book-review","tag-communism","tag-marxism","tag-palme","tag-social-democracy","tag-socialism","tag-sweden","tag-ussr"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/270"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=140"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1181,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140\/revisions\/1181"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=140"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=140"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=140"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=140"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}