{"id":139,"date":"2012-03-23T14:02:39","date_gmt":"2012-03-23T14:02:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/?p=139"},"modified":"2016-03-30T15:18:11","modified_gmt":"2016-03-30T15:18:11","slug":"kristina-kappelin-berlusconi-italienaren-stockholm-brombergs-2010","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/07-1\/c37-book-review\/kristina-kappelin-berlusconi-italienaren-stockholm-brombergs-2010\/","title":{"rendered":"Kristina Kappelin, Berlusconi \u2013 Italienaren (Stockholm: Brombergs, 2010)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\t
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Kappelin knows, and loves, Italy: there is no trace, in her work, of a superiority complex towards Italians \u2013 such folkloristic people! ? which is on the contrary a common feature of some foreign media when dealing with Italy. Rather, Kappelin tries to understand how came that a country with a unique cultural and historical heritage has let itself be bluffed by a man who has \u2013 perhaps irreparably \u2013 compromised Italy\u2019s reputation in the world.<\/p>\n

And the book is indeed not only about the founder of \u201cForza Italia\u201d, but instead, as it is made clear by the meaningful title (Berlusconi. The Italian<\/em>), about Berlusconi as embodiment of some national peculiarities, so to say.<\/p>\n

Italy in the whole have not yet been able to reflect about Berlusconi\u2019s almost twenty-year dominance over the country\u2019s political and economic life, pressed as it is just now (February 2012) by a never-ending emergency \u2013 the risk of a financial collapse \u2013 which caused, in November 2011, the appointment of a \u201ctechnical government\u201d (i.e. voted by the Parliament but not resulting from the last general election) being charged with the task of crisis management. Furthermore, although \u201cstyle\u201d is significant \u2013 professor Mario Monti does not \u201cpeekaboo\u201d the German chancellor (Kappelin reminds Berlusconi\u2019s blunders in chapter seven, Tittut i v\u00e4rlden<\/em>) and seems not to be used to spend his nights with twenty- to thirty young girls at the same time \u2013 the common feeling is that there has not occurred any shift in economic and social policies, which remain unfair and not effective (at least in the view of re-launching the economy and not only balancing public finances). This sense of continuity prevents to look at \u201cBerlusconism\u201d as a close (?) period in Italian history.<\/p>\n

What does Berlusconi\u2019s success reveal of Italy, according to Kappelin\u2019s book? Basically, three aspects: the power of organised crime; the Catholic Church\u2019s influence upon domestic politics and culture; the well-grounded male chauvinism.<\/p>\n

The first two points (which particularly chapter sex, Maffian<\/em>, and eight, Klockorna i Peterskyrkan<\/em>, focuse on, although they are recurring issues all over the book) are frequently cause of embarrassments to Italians when talking with foreigners.<\/p>\n

And indeed it would be unthinkable in Sweden \u2013 Kappelin is not so explicit, but the starting sentence of her book is: how come that Italians vote for Berlusconi? ? to pervert justice in the way Berlusconi did in Italy (by the notorious ad hoc<\/em> laws, described in their origin and content in the chapter five, Konflikten med r\u00e4ttv\u00e4sandet<\/em>), and to witness powerless to the connivance between politics and criminality. This is due probably to a political tradition in Nordic countries which Henrik Berggren and Lars Tr\u00e4g\u00e5rdh have described as a high degree of social trust, meant both as trust in other people, including strangers, and confidence in common institutions due to their transparency[1]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n

However, Kappelin\u2019s thesis is that what explains why\u00a0 a politician, who from a Swedish point of view is completely incomprehensible, has been so successful is, besides his relationship with organised crime on one hand and with the Catholic Church on the other hand (at least until the last sex affaires), male chauvinism: a key factor, the Swedish journalist stresses already in the Introduction<\/em>, in understanding Italy\u2019s decline, from the economic stagnation (now recession) to the lack of trust in the future. And in chapter one (Italien och Italienarna. En introduktion<\/em>) Kappelin points out indeed that the country is like a journey back in time, in a masculine and sensual world, where \u201cl\u2019apparenza\u201d (look)[2]<\/sup><\/a> means all and where a downward compromise has been achieved between the individual and the State: as you (State) do not accomplish your duties towards me (citizen), I am not bound to accomplish mine towards you. It is the triumph of the \u201cfurbo\u201d (cunning fellow)[3]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n

With such a background, it is quite obvious that women have no chance, with few exceptions, to establish themselves as political and economic independent actors. Their unhappy fortune in Berlusconi\u2019s Italy is the subject of chapter three (Madonnan, horan och Silvio Berlusconi<\/em>): those that are good looking are reduced to nothing more than ornamental elements in a society ruled by old and unappeasable men and therefore appointed as parliamentary members and even ministers exactly because of their \u201capparenza\u201d; the others, the common women, who are not mistresses of some sultan, are mostly doomed to insignificance in the economy and in politics.<\/p>\n

Berlusconi, Kappelin insists on this point, has not invented male chauvinism, which on the contrary is well-grounded in the country\u2019s culture; his sin with no redemption is to have turned this national inclination into a rule and the \u201cvelina\u201d[4]<\/sup><\/a> (young girls almost naked whose only task in Berlusconi\u2019s TV programs is to shake their body in alluring ways) into the ideal model of womanhood.<\/p>\n

And thus we come to another valuable contribution of Kappelin\u2019s book, after the effective part on women\u2019s role as mirror of Italy\u2019s decadence (and again here we could remind that on the contrary Nordic countries are on the top in the world’s gender equality ratios): to the huge concentration of media power achieved by Berlusconi much attention is drawn upon (see particularly chapter four, Makten over medierna<\/em>), but this problem is not presented at all as an Italian peculiarity. Rather, Kappelin warns that also countries which have repeatedly condemned Berlusconi for his conflict of interest have no safe defence against such a risk.<\/p>\n

The final part of the book focuses on how Berlusconi has changed Italian political style, turning electoral campaigns into sales where even the promise of one million \u2013 and not half a million, as Kappelin writes \u2013 new jobs can be sold to people in search of an encouraging fairy-tale, with immigrants welcomed as scapegoats (chapter nine, Dragkampen i Italien \u2013 resultat och misslyckanden<\/em>), and on the dangerous meeting between authoritarian democracy and media populism (chapter ten, Auktorit\u00e4r demokrati och medial populism<\/em>). No one before Berlusconi, Kappelin points out, had dared to draw a comparison between Mussolini and himself with a kind of self-congratulation. But what the author argues is not that the founder of \u201cForza Italia\u201d is the new Mussolini: the difference is that the latter aimed at building a new Italian,\u00a0 whilst the former is satisfied with the existing one. The point is rather that the centre-right parties, with Berlusconi in the forefront, have taken over and reverted the \u201ccultural hegemony\u201d based since 1945 on antifascism as the key-source of national identity, and have systematically put down liberal institutions (starting from parliamentary and judicial powers) \u2013 and politics itself.<\/p>\n

In this perspective, Berlusconi\u2019s Italy appears as a political laboratory for the whole Europe. This is the somehow not expected conclusion from a non-Italian author, which enables the book to be not only a commented\u00a0review of stereotypes about Italians (and about differences between Northern and Southern Europe), but a more demanding reflection about possible future developments of democracy at an international level. Out of Italy many have laughed when seeing Berlusconi\u2019s blunders and listening to his hymn (\u201cMeno male che Silvio c\u2019\u00e8\u201d), but \u2013 Kappelin warns \u2013 his \u201cstyle\u201d has become a model for a new generation of right-wing politicians, starting from David Cameron in the UK.<\/p>\n

Thus it is not easy to get rid of Berlusconism as though it were a mere interlude\u00a0in Italian history, perhaps cherishing the always comfortable thesis that it has been a further demonstration of the Gattopardo<\/em>\u2019s core idea: in Italy everything is to be changed so that nothing changes. On the contrary, Berlusconi, this is Kappelin\u2019s conclusion, has substantially changed the way Italians look at themselves \u2013 and at the the others \u2013 as well as the ways of contemporary politics. And it will take time to go back to previous ones \u2013 or to find something new.<\/p>\n

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[1]<\/a> See H. Berggren, L. Tr\u00e4g\u00e5rdh, Social Trust and Radical Individualism. The Paradox at the Heart of Nordic Capitalism<\/em>, in The Nordic Way<\/em>, Stockholm, Global Utmaning, 2010, pp. 18-19.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> In Italian in the book, see p. 18.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> In Italian in the book, see p. 29.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> The book has been written before the \u201cRuby affaire\u201d.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

From the point of view of an Italian reader \u2013 particularly if female \u2013 the book in ten chapters by the Swedish journalist Kristina Kappelin (who has been living in Rome for many years and works as correspondent from Italy for Swedish media) is perhaps interesting more because of what it shows about Sweden than because of what it tells about Berlusconi\u2019s political career. The latter, nevertheless, is summarized in a detailed and effective way, starting from Berlusconi\u2019s mysterious beginnings (chapter two, Hur allting b\u00f6rjade<\/em>) and commented with no irony, but rather with a sort of resigned incredulity.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":270,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[32],"tags":[234,444,445,199,446,447,448,449,450,235,274,451,452],"coauthors":[1235],"class_list":["post-139","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-c37-book-review","tag-berlusconi","tag-catholic-church","tag-chauvinism","tag-italy","tag-looks","tag-mafia","tag-media","tag-monti","tag-organised-crime","tag-politics","tag-sweden","tag-transparency","tag-trust"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/139","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/270"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=139"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/139\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1180,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/139\/revisions\/1180"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=139"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=139"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=139"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nome.unak.is\/wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=139"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}