Tag Archives: Migrants

The Ambiguity and Danger of the Concept of Border

Conference paper (multiple non-blind peer review), , , , , , , , , , ,

Some scholarly friends have recently invited me to discuss the theme of the border. The first thing that came to mind was the ambiguity and danger of the concept of border.

Already starting from the definition given by the Italian encyclopaedia Treccani, we realise the duplicity of the concept of border:

The border is the line that separates one state from another. The concept, however, has a different origin and above all has a much wider use: we also need “boundaries” to organise our thoughts. The concept of the border is one of the tools we use to master reality (…) the word end comes from the Latin finis and, as in Italian, it indicates the conclusion of something (in Latin it was used precisely to indicate the border); “Con-finis” means that that conclusion is common, it is the same for both territories or lands. Each of the two territories ends, has an ending point, is limited, and ends up on the same border.

A first observation arises spontaneously for me: the border delimits the self and preserves one’s identity but at the same time it prevents reunification and exchange.

The cognate and synonymous concept of boundaries is, moreover, a common heritage of various branches of knowledge. We have deep traces of it in the myths of the Greek world, but we find the concept of border in the history of philosophy, in the biological sciences, in psychology, but above all, the concept has been widely explored – in the field of study closest to me – in law, both classical and modern, and finally in international law.

The border in the Greek and the Latin worlds separated order from chaos, the known from the unknown, the right from the wrong. You can always go beyond the border, however, as long as you have a good guide with you, a new Virgil.

For Heraclitus, the soul has such remote boundaries that it is not possible to reach them.

Horos in Greek is the border that separates two lands but also the stone that concretely signals their limit. Horos defines both a concept, an experience but also the norm that separates and defines. Horos also has a normative power; it represents a necessity guaranteeing an order. To raise a boundary means to recognise a difference, an otherness, to regulate the relationship with it.

In Hesiod’s Theogony, the boundary is the original delimitation between heaven and earth starting from primordial chaos. The limit is an ordering element through which to get out of chaos. The limit is a barrier to man’s fear of the infinite.

Heracles, during his journey in search of Geryon’s herds, defeats monsters and monstrous creatures, sets a physical boundary between the known world and the world where human beings must not go, placing the border with two columns placed on the two shores of the Strait of Gibraltar. And this limit, if you think about it, resisted until Christopher Columbus’ voyage to the Indies. For Christians for centuries, on the other hand, the edge of the world was Santiago de Compostela on the Portuguese shores of the Atlantic Ocean where the remains of St. James the Great arrived.

But the boundary seems to exist to be crossed, as Dante’s Ulysses teaches, even at the risk of death (see verse 119 of Canto XXVI of the Inferno, known as the “Canto of Ulysses”, which reads: “You were not made to live like brutes, but to follow virtue and knowledge”).

It should be noted, however, that Hermes (not surprisingly the protector of travellers, merchants, and thieves), the deity who protects borders but at the same time encourages them to be overcome.

The boundary marks a dividing line that establishes a relationship of inclusion/exclusion. At the border, you can make two choices: either stand at the threshold or cross it.

The border is always defined but at the same time open. It has in itself the idea of limit and difference, of otherness and passage as a link between the inside and the outside, between the known and the unknown. It is not a locked door but a passage to be crossed, possibly with good moral guidance.

 

The concept of boundaries in the natural sciences

In biology – although the statement should be taken with approximation as the writer is not an expert on the subject – the so-called primordial cell has been hypothesized, and subsequently reproduced in the laboratory, a cell with a circumscribed environment, separate but in communication with the outside world and with the potential to increase its complexity; Going beyond the boundary of the cell produces new life; reproduction occurs only by penetrating the other cell, mixing and splitting the DNA of the mother cell so that the daughter cell contains part of the DNA of the two fusing cells.

It is well known that the structure of the cell is formed by the cell membrane, the nucleus and the cytoplasm. For the cell to reproduce, it is necessary to penetrate the cell membrane, reach the nucleus and then allow the DNA to be mixed.

A French psychoanalyst, Didier Anzieu, in his work “The nomadic epidermis and the psychic skin”, borrowed the behaviour of cells, and elaborated the metaphor of the skin, an imaginary metamorphosis of the skin: the skin as a “psychic envelope” that ensures protection against excess stimuli, allows the development of the senses, and acts as a support and containment to the feeling of self.

 

The sphere of law

In Roman law, the “limes” in Roman law marks the boundary between Roman civilisation and the barbarians who cannot be integrated (barbarians are those who stammer, who do not speak Latin, the language of the fathers).

Throughout the Middle Ages, during the Empire and during the Papacy, the border did not represent something essential because all the space belonged to the Emperor thanks to the investiture of the Pope.

It was only with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, which put an end to the Thirty Years’ War and effectively created the modern absolute state, that the concept of the border returned and the modern border as it is understood today was born.

In Roman civil law, property, the “dominium ex iure Quiritium”,  was recognised only  to “cives”  and only on Italian soil; defined by the classics as absolute law that extended “usque ad coeleum et ad inferos”, it was protected by robust actions to defend the borders (“actio finium regundorum”). It was often granted as a war prize, but with the disintegration of the Roman Empire small property almost completely disappeared and already with the barbarian invasions, in the Middle Ages, everything had returned to the property of the occupying sovereign.

With the fall of feudalism, private property was reborn as a positive concept for the emerging bourgeoisie (according to the French Civil Code of 1804  “the right of property is that which belongs to every citizen to enjoy and dispose of his goods, his income, the fruit of his work and his industriousness”); already in the Napoleonic Code it is stated that property is recognised within the limits of laws and regulations; and also in the Italian Civil Code of 1942 property is recognised “within the limits and with the observance of the obligations established by the legal system”.

After all, feudalism dies when it is reborn and private property is recognised. The border divides what belongs to the Prince from what belongs to the bourgeoisie. Among private individuals, “u limmitu” (a word from the archaic Sicilian language), acts as a boundary, it is what separates my property from the property of others.

And yet, in modern civil law, the concept of property has always had limits, it must have boundaries and it must be crossable in the general interest. This is stated in art. 832 of the Italian Civil Code of 1942. According to art. 42 paragraph 2 of the Italian Constitution of 1947, the right to property is not a right without limits, it must be based on the principle of solidarity, and it is necessary to impose limits on private property for purposes of social solidarity (the so-called social function of property), these limitations must allow society to grow economically beyond the selfish needs of the individual owner.

 

The border as a place of separation within our society

Be careful, sometimes borders have crept into our own society: what else are prisons and asylums? They are confined places where the inside/outside exchange is difficult, complex, sometimes hindered and marginalised. The best sociology and the most modern psychiatry, however, indicate that the resocialisation of the prisoner passes through the exchange with “the outside”; just as mental distress is cushioned by social inclusion (see the illuminating pages of Franco Basaglia on this point).

Turning to modern international law, it is noted that the ambiguity, and above all the danger, of the concept of the border that delimits the nation is back. That of nation is an idea of romantic derivation: as a unity of language, religion and traditions, but it is an equally dangerous idea because it is at the basis of nationalism and its authoritarian drifts: think of the exaltation of the Aryan race by the Nazis, of the magnificent roots of the Roman Empire exalted by fascism and the examples could unfortunately continue. In the early 1900s, this concept of the nation was opposed, without any success, by the utopia of socialist internationalism, the borderless homeland of workers all over the world, an idea, in turn, sadly exploited by the Bolshevik revolution and Stalinism.

Borders are often drawn for political reasons, as often for economic reasons, and the economic question is often deliberately confused with the religious or historical-political one. Think of the border disputes over international waters for the exploitation of marine resources, or more recently, the war for the conquest of space. On the other hand, we cannot fail to point out how difficult international negotiations are for the protection of the seas and the atmosphere from pollution, where seas and atmosphere cannot but be considered as universal goods, without borders, functional to the very existence of the human race.

For the conquest of the border, wars are fought and deaths are caused, and this is why I am increasingly beginning to distance myself from the concept of border, as is now openly outlined in this article.

 

The open society

I can say without hesitation that the border must be crossable: the border that can be crossed is functional creating of an open, multicultural, multiethnic society.

And yet, despite having taken sides, I cannot ignore that this ambiguous and dual concept of border also has limited positive aspects: it allows the preservation of traditions, cultural heritage, the teachings of the fathers, it is a barrier to the vulgarity of the world and resistant to the so-called liquid society described by Zigmunt Bauman.

According to Zigmunt Bauman, in fact, we Westerners live in a “liquid society”: an environment without definitions, where everything mixes and merges with something other than itself, producing a single media soup. Liquids dilate, mix, have no boundaries.

 After all, respect for other people’s traditions and cultures is respect for the border.

Integration is therefore the solution that is perhaps not definitive and perhaps not a salvation: it represents the virtuous fusion between two cultures without one becoming hegemonic over the other: this is how the United States of America was born and became great, mixing Irish, Italians, Germans and Jews.

But the West is burdened by the sin and the unhealed wound of colonialism that is still at the root of the Third World’s serious backwardness and at the root of continuous and ever dormant disputes and claims. In fact, it is difficult to talk about integration in countries where poverty still reigns and where the economic and cultural disasters of colonialism are still visible.

Recall that for years the American colonialists denied the culture of the American Indians and the Spaniards did the same in South America. More recently, think of the extermination of the Armenians or the Kurds. The systematic eradication of indigenous cultures has sometimes been carried out by genocide. It is difficult for the West to allow us to forget such outrages.

A dominant culture must not only respect minorities but must also be able to tolerate aspects of “other” cultures that are often not easily understood.

There are many examples: think of the problem of the veil of Islamic women resolved in a heterogeneous way within the EU, often banned because it is seen as an intolerable harassment of Islamic women, while in the perspective of the Parisian “banlieues” it represents the affirmation of an identity. In Iran, on the other hand, the imposition of the veil remains an authoritarian act of rejection of Western culture, considered dangerous for religious customs, so a real civil war is being fought in which women are the absolute protagonists. In modern Turkey, until the advent of Erdogan, the state, which wanted to be secular, forbade women to wear the veil at public activities and in universities because there was a desire for modernisation and integration. Today in Turkey, the veil is back in fashion. It is equally difficult in our eyes to accept certain forms of “jus corrigenda” typical of certain patriarchal cultures. Think again of the controversy over the ban on the use of pork in state school cafeterias or the practice of circumcision.

Beyond easy and populist slogans (“immigrants must respect our rules and must adapt to our culture…”), we “dominants” must also have the ability to set limits that are often not always shared by the majority: just to give an example, think of the ban on displaying the crucifix in public offices. Of course, the crucifix identifies a large and millenary community such as the Christian one, but if we want to be truly “open” and affirm the secularity of the state and the equality of all religions before the state, then we need to take a small step back.

However, efforts must be made to understand and the best Western models must be promoted, without imposing them. There is, in fact, a non-negotiable core of Western values, encapsulated in the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which we must be proud defenders of. And here the border once again takes on a positive value of defending fundamental values that characterises us as a virtuous community that, after the disaster of the two world wars, recognises itself and is founded on those values inscribed in the Convention.

The only boundaries we must preserve are those of the freedom of others, of property, culture and the language of others.

In this sense, applying the principles of the Convention, and of other national and supranational fundamental charters, means attributing to positive law an educational function. The same thing happened in Italy when “reparative marriage” was abolished or the so-called abandonment of the marital roof was decriminalized.

 

The issue of immigration

The concept of border leads us to confront the great, pretended border that perhaps never existed represented by the Mediterranean Sea, which has always been a place of exchange of civilizations: from the Phoenicians, to the Greeks, to the Romans to the Arabs.

Today we want there to be an undrawn border beyond which many peoples fleeing war and famine must not cross. Syrians fleeing a bloody internal war that has already caused more than 430,000 deaths must not pass; Eritreans and Somalis who are weakened by years of wars, famines and dictatorships that in Eritrea impose an endless military conscription on men and women must not pass; sub-Saharans or Pakistanis whose living conditions are miserable must not pass through (just think that the annual per capita income in countries such as Pakistan stands at $1,505, in Ivory Coast at $2,549 or in neighboring Tunisia at $3,800, compared to $35,657 for the annual per capita income in Italy and $43,658 in France); The Bangladeshis in their country of 170,000,000 inhabitants live crammed into a space that is three times smaller than Italy, afflicted by floods, where there are 50,000,000 people living in poverty and where 40 % of the population lives on less than two dollars a day.

But before accusing ourselves of populism and giving ourselves the usual handy lesson, “let’s help them at home”, I want to recall some positive norms only formally signed by almost all the states of the world:

Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948: “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of any State. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his own country.”

Art. 14 c. I Dec. Univ.: Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution “.

And what can be said of our Constitution, which not only recognises a broad right of asylum (art. 10 of the Constitution). “a foreigner who is prevented in his country from effectively exercising the democratic freedoms guaranteed by the Italian Constitution has the right to asylum in the territory of the Republic under the conditions established by law”) but recognises the right of our citizens to emigrate (Art. 35 c. III “… recognises the freedom of emigration, subject to the obligations laid down by law in the general interest…).

If, therefore, there is a positive right to emigrate, if you will allow me to provoke you, there are no borders, no frontiers, no barriers, no walls.  And as Pope Francis said on the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall: we need bridges, not walls!

And how odious it is the distinction that we Westerners strive to emphasise between those who can be recognized as “asylum seekers” and those who are only “migrants of necessity” who must be rejected.

Of course, this is not to deny the right of each individual state to regulate immigration, but as the Italian Constitutional Court pointed out in its judgment no. 105/2001: “… Although the public interests affecting immigration are manifold and however much they may be perceived as serious problems of security and public order linked to uncontrolled migratory flows, the universal character of personal freedom cannot be affected in the slightest, which, like the other rights that the Constitution proclaims inviolable, cannot be affected in the slightest. It is up to individuals not as participants in a particular political community, but as human beings.”

 

From the border to the ghetto

Allow me now to make one last comment on what I have now revealed to be my negative judgment on the border: how much horror is emanating from the Gaza Strip, which is nothing more than the violent imposition of a border that tightens like a noose around the neck of the Palestinian civilian population and has caused as many as 20,000 deaths to date, including at least 8,000 children.

This is not the place and the time to reflect on the causes of the war between Palestinians and Israelis, but it seems paradoxical to me how Israelis have forgotten the suffering inflicted on them by the Nazis in the Jewish ghettos of half of Europe: today the new ghetto is the Gaza Strip! The extremes connect.

Fortunately, it leaves me with a glimmer of hope, which comes, as always, from culture and dialogue, and I am referring to the so-called Israeli writers of dialogue: Abraham Yehoshua, Amos Oz (who already in 1967 said “even an inevitable occupation is an unjust occupation”); David Grossman, advocate of coexistence between Arabs and Israelis.

Two peoples in two states, it is hoped: at this moment, the impassable border is not the one defended by tanks and barbed wire, but the one erected by religious absolutism and economic selfishness. The certainties of the Jewish religion against the absolutism of Islam; the Western wealth of Israel and the poverty of the Palestinians; the arrogance of the Jewish settlers and the lack of water and arable land of the Palestinians… and we could go on…

But now it is time for me to stop after rambling on too much.

Nafisa Yeasmin, Waliul Hasanat, Jan Brzozowski, and Stefan Kirchner, eds. Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (London: Routledge, 2021)

Book review (editorial review), , ,

The social inclusion of immigrants into local communities has been extensively studied in the Social Sciences. Since the mid-1990s, the sociology of migration has shifted from economic and demographic issues towards central sociological questions such as “how societies negotiate membership and boundaries in the face of globalization” (Kasinitz, 2012: 583). Most theories on the sociology of migration are based on research in urban places but there is an increasing interest in migration to rural areas (Marrow, 2011).

This new edited volume by Yeasmin, Hasanat, Brzozowski, and Kirchner is a noteworthy contribution to migration studies as it addresses the experiences of migrants in the Arctic, “the most sparsely populated world region” (Brzozowski, 2020: 163). The anthology brings together 10 articles on migration in the Arctic. Five of these case studies are based on research in Finland, one on research in Iceland, one on Canada, and three of these case studies are transnational studies. The book is divided into five chapters: An introduction written by the authors, a chapter on Youth Perspectives in the Arctic, a chapter looks on Family and Diversity Challenges, a chapter on Human Rights and Indigenous Communities in the Arctic, and a chapter on Migration and Development Issues in the Arctic.

The comparative approach is one of the strengths of this anthology. The case studies collected provide valuable and diverse approaches to migration to the Arctic, sometimes presenting contradictory results. For example, a comparison of the findings of El Hariri, Gunnþórsdóttir, and Meckl (2020) and Adams (2020) shows that immigrants in Iceland are critical towards the educational system but immigrants in Finland perceive the Finnish educational system positively. These findings show once more that the “Circumpolar North” is not a monolithic place where migrants have similar or even identical experience.

The editors of this book emphasize resilience and integration as the key themes of their publication. They understand community resilience as “a readiness to react in a positive and constructive way to social and economic transformation, but at the same time being able to preserve local cultural and social values and systems” (Yeasmin et al, 2020: 2). One of the limitations of this anthology is that the terms integration and resilience could have been challenged more. Both concepts are debated as they imply an expectation towards people to behave in certain ways, e.g. to integrate or to be resilient, without necessarily discussing structural inequalities that might hinder these people in complying to these expectations. In fact, one of the contributors to the anthology states that “There are strong critiques of this idea of resilience, tying it into the offloaded responsibility and entrepreneurialism of neo-liberalism” (Merhar, 2020: 134).

Despite these small limitations, this anthology overall tells a very interesting and valuable story about migration to the Arctic. In my opinion, this book provides an answer to a question which is not raised by the authors themselves, namely “What can we learn from the Arctic about theories of migration and integration?” One of the key findings emerging is the significance of place. This is particularly striking in the fourth chapter where Merhar writes that “the north (or maybe smaller communities in general exist as a protective factor against the alienation that the child welfare system provides through placement bouncing, as youth get to remain closer and connected to their cultural and spatial communities of childhood and adolescence” (Merhar, 2020: 135). Similarly, Kirchner discusses the dangers of cold temperatures for forced migrants from a law perspective. These statements shows that social inclusion is grounded in preconditions of places.

Another strength is that the anthology contains implications for theory building in the sociology of migration, e.g. the theory of superdiversity. Yeasmin and Uusiautti (2020) add to this theory which has been developed by the US-American sociologist Vertovec in 2007 (Vertoved, 2007). The authors reflect on the meaning of superdiversity for migration to rural areas in the Circumpolar North, finding that the concept of superdiversity theory can also be applied to places with a comparatively low in-migration rate. As mentioned above, theories on migration to rural places are underdeveloped and findings such as the one of Yeasmin and Uusiautti are thus important contributions to the field.

I will be assigning this book to my students when teaching about migration as it addresses aspects that have previously been understudied. It does so by closely observing and learning from the preconditions of places – in this case the Circumpolar North.

 

References

Adams, R. (2020) Immigrant Youth Perspective: Understanding challenges and opportunities in Finnish Lapland. In N. Yeasmin et al. (Eds.), Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (56-72). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344275.

Brzozowski, J. (2020). Mixed embeddedness of immigrant entrepreneurs and community resilience. In N. Yeasmin et al. (Eds.), Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (163-175). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344275.

El Hariri, K., Gunnþórsdóttir, H., Meckl, M. Syrian Students at the Arctic Circle in Iceland. In N. Yeasmin et al. (Eds.), Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (30-55). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344275.

Kasinitz, P. (2012). The Sociology of International Migration: Where We Have Been; Where Do We Go from Here? Sociological Forum, 27(3), 579-590. Retrieved January 18, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23262179

Massey, Douglas S., and Sánchez R. Magaly. Brokered boundaries: Immigrant identity in anti-immigrant times. Russell Sage Foundation, 2010

Marrow, H. B. (2011). New destination dreaming: Immigration, race, and legal status in the rural American South. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Merhar, A. (2020). Embodying transience: Indigenous former youth in care and residential instability. In N. Yeasmin et al. (Eds.), Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (126-144). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344275.

Vertovec, S. (2007). Super-diversity and its implications, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(6), 1024-1054, https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870701599465

Yeasmin, N. & Uusiautti, S. (2020). The impact of superdiversity on the educational system. In N. Yeasmin et al. (Eds.), Immigration in the Circumpolar North: Integration and Resilience (163-175). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344275.

Immigrants’ Experiences of Happiness and Well-being in Northern Iceland

Double blind peer-reviewed article, , ,

 Introduction[1]

Akureyri is home to almost 800 immigrants for a total of 18,000 inhabitants. Research on the immigrant population in Iceland typically focuses on problems, discrimination, prejudice and difficulties; immigration issues in Iceland have been looked at through the lens of unemployment[2], difficult working conditions[3] and negative portraits of foreigners in the media[4]. However, in 2012, in a study conducted on the immigrant population of this town, 82% of 200 respondents displayed high life satisfaction[5]. Drawing on in-depth interviews realised with immigrants in Akureyri, we examine the experiences of well-being of migrants who have come to settle in his town.

Our analysis reveals that well-being is higher among immigrants with strong social capital and with some connections to local networks. Individuals often resort to individual rationale to explain their circumstances, their choices and their subsequent well-being. We begin the discussion by very briefly reviewing the literature on well-being and by introducing the context in which the study was realised. In the following section, we examine the relationship between feelings of well-being and the urban environment; then we explore the belief that opportunities are plentiful in this northern town, and finally look at the relationship between the social support of immigrants and their well-being.

Literature on immigration and well-being

The booming economy of the beginning of the 21st century and the subsequent demand for labour, especially in the construction and service sectors, resulted in a rapid increase in the number of foreign nationals coming and settling in[6]. Although the economic crisis of 2008 decreased the political and public interest for immigration issues[7], this significant growth of newcomers has raised interest among social scientists. Being the largest minority group in Iceland, the Polish have received a fair bit of attention in social studies, although social scientists have also looked at other communities such as the Filipino[8] and the Thai[9]. Immigration scholars argue that most immigration to Iceland in the past ten years is labor-related, hence providing a body of literature focusing on employment[10] and the financial crisis[11]. Immigration studies often oppose two groups who either welcome or disapprove of migration[12], and many reports highlight the feelings of discrimination and misunderstanding encountered by the newcomers[13]. The increase in the number of immigrants settling in Iceland, the financial crisis of 2008 and the following rise in unemployment resulted in a growth of negative attitudes from the host culture[14], and surveys on discrimination and prejudice have been more numerous in recent years[15]. However, there is still a lack of knowledge about the status of immigrants and minority groups[16], and if little is known about the impact of discrimination and prejudice on immigrant’s daily lives, even less is known about their wellbeing. Although some effort has been made in the past decade in the field of happiness studies, anthropologists have been particularly silent on the subject of well-being and happiness[17]. Iceland is no exception, despite being every year one of the top countries on the OECD life satisfaction index and other similar inventories. The lists ranking the happiest nations in the world very often lack analysis, and the real experience of well-being and happiness gets lost in the rankings[18]. There is very little social studies and ethnography on well-being in the Nordic countries, and practically none in Iceland[19].

Elsewhere, a few social scientists have devoted research to understand the complexities of emotions and subjective well-being although not many have looked at migration contexts. European research has shown that if immigrants seem to have higher levels of happiness than “stayers”, people who display higher levels of happiness are also more likely to migrate[20]. Investigations on the relationship between immigration and well-being typically focuses on measures of well-being such as health, mental or psychological well-being[21] and economic well-being[22]. Happiness experiences and emotions have not been investigated much in immigration contexts, although social sciences could learn much from personal narratives on those topics.[23]

Context, participants and methodology

Located in the north of the country, Akureyri is the second largest town in Iceland. The population has been on a steady increase since the beginning of the XXth century[24], and the foreign population has also grown from 369 in 2004 to 771 in 2015[25]. Representing almost 5% of the population, Akureyri´s immigrants originate primarily from Poland, Denmark, Syria, Germany and Thailand. Akureyri offers a relatively varied labour market consisting of skilled and unskilled jobs in various sectors, including the fishing industry, the research and education sector, the health sector and the tourism and service sectors.

This study uses a narrative methodology. The authors realized interviews with immigrants living in Akureyri and thereafter analyzed them by using discourse analysis, as research has shown that narrative texts are stocked with empirical evidence[26]. Research also shows that qualitative studies are more appropriate to understand social conditions, contexts and emotions[27] in anthropological studies. To gain a better understanding of the experiences of well-being in the foreign community, we conducted thirty semi-structured in-depth interviews with immigrants living in Akureyri. We used snowball sampling to recruit participants of various countries of origin, background, occupation and age group. We required each participant to consider himself an immigrant, to live permanently in Akureyri and to agree to participate in the study. Eighteen women and twelve men were interviewed, mostly originating from Europe; twelve people came from Eastern Europe and fifteen from Western Europe. Two-thirds of the participants were married or in a relationship. Most participants were highly educated and 21 held university degrees. Half of the participants had been in Iceland five years or longer and all of them with the exception of three came entirely voluntarily; the latter group followed their parents as teenagers. The interviews took place in whichever language the participant was most comfortable–English and Icelandic–and a third of the interviews were done in Polish by native-speakers. The interviews were recorded and accurately transcribed, and the interviews in Polish were also translated. The information collected in the interviews was classified in categories and interpreted; we used the discourse analysis method. The participants were assured that their contribution would remain anonymous, and were free not to answer any of the questions.

The emphasis of this project has been placed on people’s self-perception of happiness. We followed Neil Thin when he says that scholars should explore “how people develop a sense that their lives are good”[28]. We refer to “happiness” or “well-being” as our respondents understand them and look at what elements are important to them to contribute to “a good life”. If “happiness is imagined, generated and expressed”[29] differently by different people, depending on personal, social and cultural contexts, we were able to draw and identify from the interviews three main factors that seem to influence greatly the migrants’ vision of happiness: the physical and social environment, the possibility for personal achievement and the feeling of reciprocity.

“Akureyri sé besta staður á Íslandi”: When the physical environment influences social tranquility

If urban green spaces affect health positively[30], studies on the physical environment also reveal that access to nature and the proximity to natural surroundings impact positively the mental wellbeing of individuals[31]. The interviews show nothing but praise about the environment and the city itself:

“It´s close to the nature, you feel like in a luxury society, going to the swimming pool and being almost alone or going to the hospital with no problems, going to the forest and being alone walking.” (Excerpt from interview 9 – Male, Western Europe)

According to most, Akureyri is a nice and comfortable place to live. This attitude towards the place becomes obvious when even the winter darkness is seen in a positive light: “I’ve already fell in love with the darkness” (Excerpt from interview 13, Female, Western Europe), and when asked about the weather, one participant responded: “I actually like it, I like the storms.” (Excerpt from interview 10, Male, Western Europe).

Beauty, peace, ease and calm are all attributes associated with Akureyri: “I like Akureyri and its calm atmosphere” (Excerpt from interview 28, Female, Western Europe). No risks, no violence, no stress often associated with their home countries or home towns, the participants talk about it like being the perfect little hub of the polar circle. Nearly all participants refer to the town itself as being the “right” size, rather small yet with everything they need. The feeling of being in a small town, calm and close to nature also enhances the feeling of security[32]. In small towns, “the close-knit community and the feelings of being acquainted with most people in the surrounding community may contribute to a greater sense of living in an area that is secure and trustful”[33]. One participant told us: “It’s great because people know you and it’s safe and people are watching out for you.” (Excerpt from interview 2 – Male, Western Europe).

Feelings of personal and family safety are important, and every parent participating in the interviews makes much of the safety in town and the accompanying feeling of freedom experienced by their children.

“I like it a lot, it’s a great place for my boys. I don’t know if you have kids, but it’s grand and easy, it’s very safe you know, they just wander when they come from school and do their thing. Sort of like my memories of when I was younger. [Everything] is open, […], my boys can wander to school, it’s a very safe environment. It’s a very carefree existence.” (Excerpt from interview 10 – Male, Western Europe)

“There’s a lot of safety for my child. I don’t know, I don’t have to worry about the next day. Mostly, it is safety for my child, the rest I don’t care. […] I think that’s what keeping me here.” (Excerpt from interview 3 – Male, Eastern Europe)

Thus the physical space discourages feelings of anxiety and seems to play an essential role in the immigrants’ ability to feel relaxed; the risks and worries associated with towns and cities in the participants’ home countries disappears in the midst of the peaceful atmosphere of Akureyri:

“It’s a much more beautiful country, cleaner and not as noisy and not as…dangerous. I remember when we were playing we were not supposed to go in alleys that are dark or something, you don’t really have to fear about something like that here. When the kids are playing until eight o’clock at night and it’s already dark you don’t have to worry.” (Excerpt from interview 4 – Female, Western Europe)

The safety, simplicity and ease created by the settings leaks out onto all spheres of existence: work, administration, security and business. “The easiness of Icelandic life lies in its lack of formality.” (Excerpt from interview 31 – Male, Western Europe). We interviewed a couple who had specifically moved to Iceland to escape the stress following the financial crisis in their home country; although they had a house, good jobs and no financial problems, they “needed peace”. The stress-free factor seems to be particularly important in work situations:

“Sometimes […] it’s coffee break, everybody is going to the coffee break, but I’m still sitting in front of the computer finishing something, and they are laughing but that’s me. The Icelanders are just more… there’s not so much stress. […] I can feel I’m much more relaxed here in Iceland. When I go to my hometown for a visit, you can feel the stress.” (Excerpt from interview 12, Female, Western Europe)

“What I like about [work] is the atmosphere. It is totally different than in [my home country]. You see when I was working [there] there was always a pressure. Here people seem to be more relaxed […] Here, I was late couple of times and nobody said a word. I was also surprised because at the very beginning my boss told me that I work “too fast” [laughing]. Well now I know that I don’t have to be in a rush or put too much effort in.” (Excerpt from interview 21, Female, Eastern Europe)

A few people, coming to work in Iceland temporarily, never went back to their home countries and decided to settle in Iceland; their migration became permanent when their original intention was only to move temporarily. Those migrants to Iceland frame their arrivals almost as an apparent random turn of events. A sense of “escape” is more accidental than sought after; the participants are mostly looking for work and a different experience for themselves and their family, and it is merely a coincidence that it happens in a small relaxed town.

The possibilities for achievement

More than half of the participants mentioned work as their main reason for moving to Iceland, and a common global assumption is that people migrate hoping for a brighter economic future[34]. Meckl & Ólafsson’s study of 2013[35] revealed that income seemed to have little to do with happiness amongst the immigrant population of Akureyri, as have many studies looking at the relationship between money and happiness[36]. If the sentence “I have everything I need” was heard a few times during the interviews, the participants barely make mention of income, but it is hard to assert whether it is because it is not a determinant factor in their well-being or if people feel uncomfortable when discussing finances. If “more money does not necessarily buy more happiness”[37], the feeling of fulfilment at work, on the other hand, seem to be an important factor in the well-being of the participants. On top of having a job for economic and material purposes, the participants expect work to be a purposeful experience.

Most participants were not entirely satisfied with their professional situation, however coping with a little pain might be the price they accept to pay for reaching greater goals: “Sometimes when you’re trying to achieve something you have to go through discomfort.” (Excerpt from interview 2, Male, Western Europe). This participant clearly stressed that while working a job he disliked (the discomfort), he would receive remuneration thereby making it possible to buy a house (the greater goal). The interviews reveal a direct link between feeling good and the belief that there are opportunities available; many participants believe that opportunities open up for them in Iceland, which they never thought possible in their own country:

“You can do things here. In Iceland one of the advantages is that it is small. People can hear about stuff quickly. If this is something really good and people really like it, then people hear it straight away and you will get a lot of possibilities.” (Excerpt from Interview 1, Male, Eastern Europe)

“I wouldn’t have a job like this anywhere else.” (Excerpt from interview 10, Male, Western Europe)

“I think in Iceland everybody gets a chance. In [my home country] you would never get a job in hotel administration or something like that unless you have gone to school for that. Here they give you a chance, you haven’t learned it but maybe you can learn it on the job. […] If you really want this, you can put your mind to it and it’s possible.” (Excerpt from interview 6, Female, Eastern Europe)

In the experience of the Filipino migrants, taking advantage of opportunities, viewed from a different perspective, entails sacrifice, and it is particularly visible in occurrences relative to the women, who moved to Iceland to provide for children and families left behind in the Philippines[38]. One participant told us:

“There’s much pressure in my family to educate […] Everyone sends a lot of money to the Philippines so my other relatives can go to school. They probably sent a few millions already so they could go to university.” (Excerpt from interview 20, Male, Asia)

Education seems to be highly important in the participant’s family; therefore, the sacrifice involved is also seen as an opportunity to improve the whole family’s situation. Despite the negative emotional consequences of moving and leaving family behind, they are counter-balanced by the feelings of necessity and doing good (helping relatives to educate and have a better future). The notion of sacrifice generates good feelings at an individual level – whether you work hard at a job you dislike or you leave your children behind, you do it for greater opportunities in the future. Most participants follow an effort-reward model in which temporary suffering is accepted as long as there is the prospect of greater happiness later on.

Social psychologists and scientists have observed the role of goals and aspirations in personal wellbeing[39]. The self-determination theory proposes that well-being increases in individuals’ lives when dealing with intrinsic goals, “those related to personal growth, emotional intimacy and community involvement” giving instant gratification, but decreases when engaged with extrinsic goals because it involves the approval and recognition of others, “e.g financial success, appealing appearance and social recognition”[40]. In the mind of the participants, it seems that the drive is what matters rather than the goal itself:

“There are some people who want to fight, do better, live better, be different, be a better version of themselves.” (Excerpt from interview 6, Female, Eastern Europe)

“I make small steps for myself. Now I want to do that, and now I want to get this job, and I want to study here, and get a job with what I study, and I want to do more and more… It’s good to have those little steps.” (Excerpt from interview 15, Female, Eastern Europe)

This participant decided to have the best life possible here. She learned Icelandic in a year and went back to school to study and get a job in her area of expertise. The emotional outcomes of self-improving and having a purpose positively affected the participant; she experiences pride and feels a real sense of personal achievement, but she already has in mind for herself more “steps” to climb. For many participants, the drive is as important as the goal himself, and “perhaps the good life is not a state to be obtained, as Aristotle’s suggests, it is the aspiration and act of becoming, the pursuit, and the journey that gives meaning and fulfilment.” [41]

Reciprocity and shared values as a strategy for integration

In 1925, Marcel Mauss described the importance of receiving and giving back in order to establish basic human contacts.[42] Exploring the concept of reciprocity through gifts, his research, which has been used and updated by many social scientists, also makes sense in our context. Throughout the interviews, we identified several approaches for establishing reciprocity through shared values.

The most obvious seemed to be the acknowledgment of the immigrants of the importance of the Icelandic language for the native population. Some participants mentioned that even though they were far away from being fluent in Icelandic, locals were happy to note that they were trying, and that’s all that mattered: “I also saw how Icelandic people were happy when I said something in Icelandic. A single word.” (Excerpt from interview 1, Male, Eastern Europe)

Not being able to speak Icelandic in response to Icelandic people can be perceived as a failure:

“It’s like going into someone’s house, knocking on someone’s door and just speaking to them in Swahili, and sitting down on their couch, just speaking to them in a different language. It’s rude. Again, if you’re a tourist you spend money, so that’s fair enough. If you come to a country and you don’t integrate, it’s rude, and I do feel a bit rude sometimes, especially because I am working with them. […] You should learn. If you live in a place you should learn, and I should learn.” (Excerpt from interview 2, Male, Western Europe)

According to the survey by Meckl & Ólafsson 2013, one third of the foreign population is assumed to speak Icelandic well or very well, while two thirds of the foreign population have not achieved this common value. Therefore, stories about situations where newcomers were confronted with their lack of knowledge in the local language are common.

However, speaking Icelandic does not seem to “correlate with […] general satisfaction with living in Akureyri”[43]. The reason for this might be that the lack of knowledge in Icelandic does not mean that reciprocity is not possible or that social contacts are void. For example, the religious communities of Akureyri, comprising both locals and migrants, seem to be a solid way to create contacts and gain support; one participant who had resided in Iceland for a short time came to know many people through Church: “Yes, it’s probably going to the Church, I met a lot of people there. […] They will suggest you the right things to do and you can trust them.” (Excerpt from interview 13, Female, Western Europe). There is a social element to individual well-being, and the strength of ties within the family, the neighbourhood and the religious community has a direct impact on feelings of happiness and belonging.

Bringing values that matter in Icelandic society, like hard-work and diligence, is another way to facilitate the integration process:

“And the thing with Icelandic people, if they see someone who is hard-working, they will become your friend. They can’t stand lazy people. I’m obviously generalizing now, because it’s many people that I know, it’s a working nation. […] I think it’s the attitude that’s important. If you come somewhere, if you have in mind that you are a guest your attitude will be right, but if you come somewhere and you expect people to serve you, then it’s not the right attitude. And I knew that straight away, I’m a guest here.”   (Excerpt from Interview 1, Male, Eastern Europe)

Work is an essential part of the Icelandic way of life and one of the key values in the society[44]. Therefore, being employed and working hard as a migrant is another way to feel valued and accepted.

Family ties are strong and the family viewed as “the cornerstone of Icelandic society”[45]; it is also a determinant factor in how positively you will be perceived as an immigrant. One participant recognised that contacts were friendlier once she had become a mother:

“[People are] asking you how it is, if you have support and family speaking with you, if the grandparents of the child come and visit you. They are nice when they are seeing a child.” (Excerpt from interview 5, Female, Eastern Europe)

Sharing moral values seems of greater consequence than any other integration factors; if you contribute in reflecting principles valued by the local society (language, independence, diligence and the importance of family, for example), you meet more easily the requirements of reciprocity, essential to the integration process and the feeling of well-being. Of course immigrants are not always receiving the kind of recognition they would wish for, or have trouble to create and keep contacts within the local community. A few participants blame their personal attitude for not engaging enough in society, like not speaking the language or not joining a social club popular among Icelanders, like a gym or a choir, for example. A few others blame the cultural differences:

“We are coming from other countries, other cultures, other lifestyles, we have another sense of humor, we are different. […] They are very friendly of course, very kind, polite, but they are serious. […] They are very closed”. (Excerpt from Interview 8, Male, Western Europe).

However, the negative experiences of being a migrant in Akureyri seem temporary or conditional; if the participant spoke Icelandic, if he engaged in social activities in town, if his lifestyle was more similar to the local one, he would be better off:

“I’ve had loads of opportunities, I missed loads of opportunities as well. Being able to speak Icelandic opens you to Icelandic opportunities. […] The longer I stay here the more important I see it is. […] And it is worthwhile and useful. Yeah, I need to get on it.” (Excerpt from Interview 2, Male, Western Europe).

This comment shows again, that migrants are willing to allow temporary suffering as long as they foresee a possibility for ending this suffering; it makes the negative experience worthwhile or even necessary as long as it transforms into a more positive experience later on:

“As long as it is part of a greater goal and it’s not going to be like that forever, it’s fine. I’m not miserable. I’m not super ecstatic. But I have plans and goals. […] It’s not going to be forever, so we’ve put up with it for now.” (Excerpt from Interview 2, Male, Western Europe).

In migrants discourses, the difficulties they encounter rather seem like obstacles that can be overcome or transformed into opportunities. Despite the difficulties and their consequences on the participants’ well-being, either the positive experiences counter-balance the negative ones, or the prospect of future happiness is at the fore in the migrants’ minds, making the overall experience of migrating to Akureyri worthwhile.

Conclusion

This paper focused on the experiences of wellbeing of migrants in Akureyri in Northern Iceland, where most migrants interviewed displayed high satisfaction and made mention of positive experiences in their discussion with the researchers. More attention would be required to understand the way migrant’s chose to portray their lives; does the sample of participants reflect a positiveness specific to European highly-skilled migrants? Do the migrants apply a rationale to their experiences that conceal their less favourable ones?  Does their relationship with the researchers impair their ability to talk more openly about their negative experiences?

To look at wellbeing and happiness, it is necessary to know what is important for individuals and communities. Although personal attitude is key to happiness, a safe and positive environment, strong social relationships, having goals, sharing values and feeling on equal grounds with locals are essential to the well-being of the foreign population. Identifying how reciprocity can be achieved from both sides seems a crucial element to contribute to individual happiness of migrants in Akureyri. The findings of this research unveil the responsibility of the community to provide a stronger support system to newcomers; to encourage migrants and give them the appropriate resources to learn Icelandic, to offer a support system to enhance social contacts and to ensure that everyone can benefit from going to work or being together with their family.

The debates which have dominated immigration issues have been far from addressing questions regarding well-being and happiness. Focusing on the wellbeing of the immigrants might help to shift the perception of immigrants in the public opinion – from being connected to problems to a positive connotation of possibilities and enrichment.

Bibliography

Arnardóttir, Elsa & Haraldsson, Rúnar Helgi (2014). “Origin and multiple discrimination”. Multicultural and Information Centre Iceland. Retrieved from http://www.mcc.is/media/frettir/Progress-skyrsla-mcc–2.pdf

Bissat, Jóhanna G. (2013). “Effects of policy changes on Thai migration to Iceland” in International Migration, 51 (2): 46-59.

Bissat, Jóhanna G. (2008). Thai migrants and relative success of integration in Iceland. MA thesis. Pennsylvania State University: Department of Anthropology.

Carin Läärä, Johanna Ann-Louise (2012). Social integration of unemployed immigrants. A comparison of integration programs in Jyväskylä and Reykjavík. MA thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Education Studies.

Cooper, R., Boyko, C. & Codinhoto R. (2009). “The effect of the physical environment on mental wellbeing” in Cooper C.L, Field G., Goswami U., Jenkins R. & Sahakian B.J (Eds.), Mental Capital and Wellbeing, Wiley Blackwell, pp. 967-1006.

Diener, E., Oishi, S., & Lucas, R. E. (2003). “Personality, culture, and subjective well- being: Emotional and cognitive evaluations of life” in Annual Review of Psychology, 54, pp. 403–425.

Einarsdóttir, Kristín Ása (2011). Young unemployed migrants in Iceland. Opportunities on the labour market and situations after the economic collapse with regard to work, social and financial aspects. MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Sociology.

Eriksson, U. , Hochwälder, J. & Sellström, E. (2011). “Perceptions of community trust and safety : Consequences for children’s well-being in rural and urban contexts” in Acta Paediatrica, vol. 100: 10, pp. 1373-1378.

Eydal, Guðný, and Stefán Ólafsson (2008). “Family Policy in Iceland: An Overview,” in Illona Ostner and C. Schmitt (eds.), Family Policies in the Context of Family Change: The Nordic Countries in Comparative Perspective.  Wiesbaden, Germany: Verlag fur Sozialwissenscaften.

Eyjólfsdóttir, H. M., & Smith, P. B. (1997). “Icelandic Business and Management Culture” in International Studies of management & Organizations, Vol. 26 , pp. 61-72.

Fischer, Edward (2012). The Good life: Values, Markets and Well-being. Working Papers Series #14, Open Anthropology Cooperative Press. Retrieved from http://openanthcoop.net/press/2012/09/20/the-good-life-values-markets-and-wellbeing.

Fischer, Edward (2014). The Good Life: Aspiration, Dignity, and the Anthropology of Wellbeing. Stanford University Press, 304 pp.

Franzosi, R. (1998). “Narrative Analysis—Or Why (and How) Sociologists Should Be Interested In Narrative”, Annual Review of Sociology, 24: 517-554.

Graham, Carol (2011). The Pursuit of Happiness: An Economy of Well-Being. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 164 pp.

Guðjónsdóttir, Guðbjört (2010). The experiences of female immigrant hotel workers in the Icelandic labor market. Unpublished MA – thesis at the University of Iceland.

Hylland-Eriksen, Thomas (2007). “Trust and reciprocity in Transnational flows” in Lien, M.E & Melhuus M. (Eds.), Holding Worlds Together: Ethnographies of Knowing and Belonging, Berghan Books, pp. 1-16.

King, Russell (2012). Theories and Typologies of Migration: An Overview and a Primer. Willy Brandt Series of Working Papers, Malmö University. Retrieved from https://www.mah.se/upload/Forskningscentrum/MIM/WB/WB%203.12.pdf

Lee, A. & Maheswaran R. (2011). “The health benefits of urban green spaces: A review of the evidence” in Journal of Public Health, 33 (2), pp. 212-222.

Mauss, Marcel (1973). “Essai sur le don : Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques” In Sociologie et Anthropologie, PUF, Collection Quadrige, pp. 149-279.

Meckl, Markus & Ólafsson, Kjartan (2013). Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri. Þjóðarspegillinn XIV: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum – Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands.

Ólafs, Helga & Zielińska, Małgorzata (2010). “I started to feel worse when I understood more” Polish immigrants and the Icelandic media. Þjóðarspegillinn XI: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XI- Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands.

Ólafsson, Jón Gunnar (2008). Ten little Lithuanians and ́Other ́stories: ́Othering ́the foreign national in the Icelandic mainstream discourse. MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Political Science.

Pétursdóttir, Guðrún (2013). Manifestation of hidden discrimination and everyday prejudice towards immigrants in Iceland. InterCultural Ísland. Retrieved from http://www.ici.is/assets/Everyday_discrimination_in_Iceland.pdf

Romero E., Gómez-Fraguela J.A. & Villar P. (2012). “Life Aspirations, Personality Traits and Subjective Well-being in a Spanish Sample” in European Journal of Personality, 26: 45-55.

Sigurðsson, Geir (1998), Vinnudýrkun, meinlæti og vítahringur neyslunnar : íslenskt tilbrigði við stef eftir Max Weber in Skírnir 172 (haust): s. 339-356

Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís (2010a). “Integration and transnational practices of Filipinos in Iceland” @-migrinter, 5, 36-45.

Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís (2010b). “Alþjóðlegir fólksflutningar á tímum efnahagslegs samdráttar” [International migration in times of economic recession], in Gunnar Þór Jóhannesson & Helga Björnsdóttir (Eds.), Rannsóknir í Félagvísindum XI: Félags- og mannvísindadeild, pp. 314–322. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands.

Statistics Iceland, Population by origin and citizenship. Retrieved from http://statice.is/Statistics/Population/Citizenship-and-country-of-birth in March 2015.

Thin, Neil (2008). “Why Anthropology Can Ill Afford to Ignore Well-Being”, in Gordon Mathews and Carolina Izquierdo (Eds.), Pursuits of Happiness: Well-Being in Anthropological Perspective, Bergham Books, pp. 23-44.

Thin, Neil (2005). Happiness and the sad topics of Anthropology. University of Bath: Wellbeing in Developing Countries working paper no. 10. Retrieved from http://www.welldev.org.uk/research/workingpaperpdf/wed10.pdf

Wojtynska Anna, Skaptadóttir Unnur Dís & Ólafs Helga (2011). The participation of immigrants in civil society and labour market in the economic recession. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Social and Human Sciences.

Wojtyńska, Anna & Zielińska, Małgorzata (2010). “Polish migrants in Iceland facing the financial crisis”, in Gunnar Þór Jóhannesson & Helga Björnsdóttir (Eds.), Rannsóknir í Félagvísindum XI: Félags- og mannvísindadeild, pp. 1-11. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands.

Endnotes

[1] Funded by KEA grant. A shorter version of this article has been published in Icelandic under the title: Barillé, S. & Meckl, M. “Nýir íbúar Norðursins: Hamingja og vellíðan meðal innflytjenda á Akureyri”, Ritið tímarit hugvísindastofnunar, 2/2016, p. 137–150.

[2] Carin Läärä Johanna Ann-Louise, “Social integration of unemployed immigrants. A comparison of integration programs in Jyväskylä and Reykjavík”, MA thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Education Studies, 2012.

Einarsdóttir Kristín Ása, “Young unemployed migrants in Iceland. Opportunities on the labour market and situations after the economic collapse with regard to work, social and financial aspects”, MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Sociology, 2011.

[3] Guðjónsdóttir Guðbjört, “The experiences of female immigrant hotel workers in the Icelandic labor market”, MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Sociology, 2010.

Sigurgeirsdóttir Álfrún and Skaptadóttir Unnur Dís “Polish construction workers in Iceland. Rights and perceptions of inequalities at building sites”, Þjóðarspegillinn XII -Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum – Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2011.

[4] Ólafs Helga & Zielińska Małgorzata, “I started to feel worse when I understood more” Polish immigrants and the Icelandic media.” Þjóðarspegillinn XI: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XI- Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2010.

[5] Kjartan Ólafsson & Markus Meckl, “Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri”. Þjóðarspegillinn XIV: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum – Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2013.

[6] Wojtynska, Anna, Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís & Ólafs, Helga. The participation of immigrants in civil society and labour market in the economic recession. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Social and Human Sciences, 2011.

[7] ibid.

[8] Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís. “Women and Men on the Move: From the Philippines to Iceland”, In S.Thidemann Faber and H. Pristed Nielsen (eds.) Remapping Gender Place and Mobility. Global Confluences and Local Particularities in Nordic Peripheries. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2015.

[9] Bissat, Johanna, Effects of Policy Changes on Thai Migration to Iceland, International Migration, 51 (2): 46-59.

[10]Einarsdóttir, Kristín Ása. Young unemployed migrants in Iceland. Opportunities on the labour market and situations after the economic collapse with regard to work, social and financial aspects. MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Sociology, 2011.

Guðjónsdóttir, Guðbjört. The experiences of female immigrant hotel workers in the Icelandic labor market, MA Thesis. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Sociology, 2010.

[11] Wojtynska, Anna, Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís & Ólafs, Helga. The participation of immigrants in civil society and labour market in the economic recession. Reykjavík: University of Iceland, Faculty of Social and Human Sciences, 2011.

Wojtyńska, Anna & Zielińska, Małgorzata. “Polish migrants in Iceland facing the financial crisis”, in Gunnar Þór Jóhannesson & Helga Björnsdóttir (Eds.), Rannsóknir í Félagvísindum XI: Félags- og mannvísindadeild, pp. 1-11. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2010.

[12] King, Russell. Theories and Typologies of Migration: An Overview and a Primer, Willy Brandt Series of Working Papers, Malmö University. Retrieved from https://www.mah.se/upload/ Forskningscentrum/MIM/WB/WB%203.12.pdf, 2012.

[13] Ólafs, Helga & Zielińska, Małgorzata. “I started to feel worse when I understood more” Polish immigrants and the Icelandic media. Þjóðarspegillinn XI: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XI- Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2010.

[14] Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís. “Alþjóðlegir fólksflutningar á tímum efnahagslegs samdráttar” [International migration in times of economic recession], in Gunnar Þór Jóhannesson & Helga Björnsdóttir (Eds.), Rannsóknir í Félagvísindum XI: Félags- og mannvísindadeild, pp. 314–322. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2010.

[15] Pétursdóttir, Guðrún. Manifestation of hidden discrimination and everyday prejudice towards immigrants in Iceland. InterCultural Ísland. Retrieved from http://www.ici.is/assets/ Everyday_discrimination_in_Iceland.pdf, 2013.

Arnardóttir, Elsa & Haraldsson, Rúnar Helgi. Origin and multiple discrimination. Multicultural and Information Centre Iceland. Retrieved from http://www.mcc.is/media/frettir/ Progress-skyrsla-mcc–2.pdf, 2014.

[16] Ólafs, Helga & Zielińska, Małgorzata. “I started to feel worse when I understood more” Polish immigrants and the Icelandic media. Þjóðarspegillinn XI: Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XI- Félags- og mannvísindadeild. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands, 2010.

[17] Thin, Neil. “Why Anthropology Can Ill Afford to Ignore Well-Being”, in Gordon Mathews and Carolina Izquierdo (Eds.), Pursuits of Happiness: Well-Being in Anthropological Perspective, Bergham Books, pp. 23-44, 2008.

Thin, Neil. Happiness and the sad topics of Anthropology. University of Bath: Wellbeing in Developing Countries working paper no. 10. Retrieved from http://www.welldev.org.uk/research/ workingpaperpdf/wed10.pdf, 2005.

[18] Fischer, Edward, The Good Life: Aspiration, Dignity, and the Anthropology of Wellbeing. Stanford University Press, 304 pp., 2014.

[19] One exception is the work of Stefán Ólafssón, see for example “Well-being in the Nordic Countries. An International Comparison”. Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration 9 (2): 345-372, 2013.

[20] Bartram, David. “Happiness and ‘Economic Migration’: A Comparison of Eastern European Migrants and Stayers”, Migration Studies, 1(2), pp. 156-175, 2013.

[21] Stillman, Steven, Gibson, John, McKenzie, David, Rohorua, Halahingano. “Miserable Migrants? Natural Experiment Evidence on International Migration and Objective and Subjective Well-Being”, World Development, 65: 79-93.

Salant, Talya & Lauderdale, Diane. “Measuring culture: a critical review of acculturation and health in Asian immigrant populations”, Social Science & Medicine, 57 (1): 71-90, 2003.

[22] Massey, Douglas. “The Social and Economic Origins of Immigration”, The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 510, World Population: Approaching the Year 2000, pp. 60-72, 1990.

Semyonov, Moshe & Gorodzeisky, Anastasia. “Labor Migration, Remittances and Economic Well-being of Households in the Philippines”, Population Research and Policy Review, 27: 619, 2008.

[23] Thin, Neil. “Counting and recounting happiness and culture: On happiness surveys and prudential ethnobiography”. International Journal of Wellbeing, 2 (4), 313-332, 2012.

[24] https://web.archive.org/web/20091015064857/http://www.iceland.org/media/us/iceland_in_figs_06-07.pdf

[25] www.hagstofa.is

[26] Roberto Franzosi (1998). “Narrative Analysis—Or Why (and How) Sociologists Should Be Interested In Narrative”, Annual Review of Sociology, 24: 517-554.

[27] Anselm Strauss & Juliet Corbin, Basics of Qualitative Research, Grounded theory procedures and techniques, Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1990, 272 pp.

[28] Thin Neil, “Counting and recounting happiness and culture: On happiness surveys and prudential ethnobiography”, International Journal of Wellbeing, 2(4), 2012, bls. 313-332, hér bls. 313.

[29] Thin Neil, “Counting and recounting happiness and culture: On happiness surveys and prudential ethnobiography”, bls. 313.

[30] Lee A. & Maheswaran R., “The health benefits of urban green spaces: A review of the evidence” in Journal of Public Health, 33 (2), 2009, pp. 212-222.

[31] Cooper, R., Boyko, C. & Codinhoto R., “The effect of the physical environment on mental wellbeing” in Cooper C.L, Field G., Goswami U., Jenkins R. & Sahakian B.J (ritstj.), Mental Capital and Wellbeing, Wiley Blackwell, 2009, pp. 967-1006.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Eriksson, U. , Hochwälder, J. & Sellström, E., “Perceptions of community trust and safety : Consequences for children’s well-being in rural and urban contexts” in Acta Paediatrica, vol. 100: 10, 2011, pp. 1373-1378.

[34] King Russell, Theories and Typologies of Migration: An Overview and a Primer. Willy Brandt Series of Working Papers, Malmö University, 2012. Retrieved from https://www.mah.se/upload/Forskningscentrum/MIM/WB/WB%203.12.pdf

[35] Meckl Markus & Ólafsson Kjartan. Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri.Kjartan Ólafsson & Markus Meckl, “Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri”.

[36] Graham Carol, The Pursuit of Happiness: An Economy of Well-Being, Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011, 164 pp.

[37] Graham Carol, The Pursuit of Happiness: An Economy of Well-Being, bls. 36.

[38] Skaptadóttir Unnur Dís, “Integration and transnational practices of Filipinos in Iceland” @-migrinter, 5, 2010, bls. 36-45.

[39] Romero E., Gómez-Fraguela J.A. & Villar P., “Life Aspirations, Personality Traits and Subjective Well-being in a Spanish Sample” in European Journal of Personality, 2012, 26: 45-55.

[40] Romero E., Gómez-Fraguela J.A. & Villar P., “Life Aspirations, Personality Traits and Subjective Well-being in a Spanish Sample”, bls.45.

[41] Fischer Edward, The Good life: Values, Markets and Well-being. Working Papers Series #14, Open Anthropology Cooperative Press. Retrieved from http://openanthcoop.net/press/2012/09/20/the-good-life-values-markets-and-wellbeing, 2012,bls.6.

[42] Mauss Marcel “Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques” In Sociologie et Anthropologie, PUF, Collection Quadrige, 1973 (original text 1923-1924) pp. 149-279.

[43] Meckl Markus & Ólafsson Kjartan. Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri,Kjartan Ólafsson & Markus Meckl, “Foreigners at the end of the fjord: Inhabitants of foreign origin in Akureyri”, bls: 10.

[44] Sigurðsson Geir, “Vinnudýrkun, meinlæti og vítahringur neyslunnar : íslenskt tilbrigði við stef eftir Max Weber” in Skírnir 172 (haust), 1998, bls. 339-356.

[45] Eydal Guðný & Stefán Ólafsson, “Family Policy in Iceland: An Overview,” in Illona Ostner and C. Schmitt (ritstj.), Family Policies in the Context of Family Change: The Nordic Countries in Comparative Perspective.  Wiesbaden, Germany: Verlag fur Sozialwissenscaften, 2008, pp.109-127.

Ernesto Kiza, Tödliche Grenzen – Die fatalen Auswirkungen europäischer Zuwanderungspolitik (Münster: Lit Verlag, 2008)

Book review (editorial review), , , ,

The author structured his work in four parts in order to offer a systematic analysis of the victimization of illegal immigrants. The first part gives an introduction to the theme of international migration, by providing an historical and empirical overview. The second part is dedicated to the theoretical explanation of the empirical facts presented in the first part. The third part examines the reason for international migration and the reaction to it in European countries. In the last part of his 410-page tome, Kiza discusses the impact of the European Union’s immigration policy, by emphasizing its effects on the migrants and, in particular, their victimization.

It is a pity that the author is hiding behind the abstruse jargon of much contemporary political science in order to do something very important: to understand the actions of the different actors in the European immigration policy and the very impact that this policy has on the refugees trying to enter Europe.  There is no necessity describing the fact that the nation-state is the actor in the international system with a phrase like: “Zum einen handelt es sich dabei um die Verfasstheit des internationalen Systems, die auf der Westfälischen Ordnung basiert und als zentrale Prämisse die Existenz souveräner Nationalstaaten postuliert. Somit ist der souveräne Nationalstaat der zentrale Akteur im internationalen System und nimmt daher eine zentrale Rolle bei der Beeinflussung und Formung internationaler Migrationsströme ein.” (p. 17) What has the Westfälische Ordnung to do with migration, except sounding very academic?

Neil Postmann pointed out that that “elite trades — physicians, lawyers, teachers, and scientists — protect their special status by creating vocabularies that are incomprehensible to the general public. This process prevents outsiders from understanding what the profession is doing and why.” Postmann himself did not really oppose this; he saw it as a necessity. In this case, unfortunately, does the “technical gobbledegook” (Postmann) prevent the very people who should be interested in reading about it from getting the message.

It is not understandable why the author is hiding behind a technical language that makes the text inaccessible.  It may be a sign of knowledge at the University of Kassel, where the author handed in his work, to be able to describe migration as an “ubiquitäres biologisches Phänomen” (p. 324), but for me as a reader it sounds just ridiculous. I still see the task of political science as to describe complex political phenomena in an understandable way, so as to provide politics with information and notions whereby to develop policy. It is a pity that the author did not make an effort to turn his PhD thesis into a readable text for its publication as a book. The topic and all the hard work invested into the research would have deserved it.